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Vice President Lu Delivers a Speech before the World Forum for Democratization in Asia
2005-09-15

Vice President Lu Delivers a Speech before the World Forum for Democratization in Asia.
"Building a Community of Democracy"

His Excellency Former Prime Minister Amarjargal of Mongolia, His Excellency Former President Flores of El Salvador, His Excellency Former President Meja (Mee-Ha) of Dominican Republic, President Wang of the Legislative Yuan, Vice Minister Kao of Foreign Affairs, Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

It is an honor to speak before this company of fellow democracy activists from around the world at the World Forum for Democratization in Asia. Sponsored by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, WFDA is an important step in Taiwan's development of democracy. As a young democracy, Taiwan has taken an important step towards democratization not so long ago with the peaceful transfer of power in 2000. Taiwan now joins a community of democracies in the common cause to spread and consolidate democracy in the region. I want to recognize the efforts by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy in strengthening international ties with other democracies in the region. The work of the foundation is a continuation of a long struggle for Taiwan to achieve democracy.

Democratization in Asia has been described by some as an impractical mission, citing cultural incompatibilities and implementation difficulties. Pursue of economic growth, instead, is seen by many in Asia as more "realistic" than political reform while many in the Western democracies have pinned the hope of political reform on economic prosperity. This conventional thinking, in its simplest form, runs like this: economic growth will lead to an affluent and educated middle class, which will then demand more control over its governance and pressure authoritarian regimes to adopt political reforms. The economic rise of authoritarian countries such as Russia and China, however, suggests that economic growth alone does not automatically lead to greater political freedom. The myth that a capitalistic society will automatically become a free society has driven much of the Western democracies' strategy in engaging authoritarian regimes in Asia.

Recent events show how authoritarian regimes can easily manipulate capitalistic behaviors of individual companies to tighten and suppress freedom. Example such as Yahoo's cooperation with the investigation by the Chinese government that led to imprisonment of a journalist is only one of the many cases where capitalistic companies cooperate with authoritarian regimes' oppression in the name of profits and market access.

In the latest Global Survey on Political Rights and Civil Liberties, of the 39 countries in the Asia Pacific region, 11 remains "Not Free" while another 11 are still "Partially Free." Although some may find solace in the fact that 17 of the countries in Asia Pacific has been recognized as Free, a quick look at the Map of Freedom, based on the same Freedom House survey, suggests that there is much work to do in our pursue of democracy in Asia.

Not far from where we are is the tallest building in the world, Taipei 101. Many visitors have marveled at the skyscraper, but I always reminded them that it was not build from the top down, but from the bottom up, with a solid and strong foundation. While many marveled at the innovative exterior design of the building, it is the strong pillars inside Taipei 101 that allows it to stand tall against the strong winds and the constant earthquakes in Taiwan.

Democratization is not an easy task. Much like building a strong skyscraper, the tower of democracy cannot be built in one day, it must be from the bottom up, supported by a strong foundation and sturdy pillars. What are the elements of a strong foundation for democracy? They are:

(1)Fair and open elections: Election is the fundamental element of a representative democracy and the source of legitimacy based on the principle that the government should be chosen by the governed.

(2)The rule of law: Democracy is more than just elections; it is also about protection of rights and allocation of responsibilities in accordance with the law. The rule of law separates liberty from the privileges of the few and democracy from "tyranny of the majority"

(3)Strong civic education: Democratic government requires effective participation and engagement of its citizens; awareness and understanding of civic duty and rights empower the citizens to do so.

(4)Gender equality: Democratic institutions and governments must be based on gender equality, not only in voter participation but also in the equal representation of both the feminine and the masculine side of our humanity.

Upon this solid foundation, there should be five pillars of democratic institutions.

(1) An efficient, transparent and accountable executive government: Abraham Lincoln's vision of a government "of the people, by the people and for the people" still best describe the ideal of democratic governance and the goal of our effort in democratic consolidation.

(2) A representative and responsible legislature: In the representative democracy, the legislature should not only be the institution that best represent the diverse interests of the citizens but it must also be an effective institution that can balance those diverse interests in a fair and just manner.

(3) A just and fair judiciary: A strong and independent judiciary is essential not only to protect liberties, but also to effect justice. It is the ultimate guarantee of human rights and protection of minorities from the potential abuse of power by the majority.

(4) Sound and responsive partisan culture: Political parties are the building blocks of democratic political institution, and their quality directly affect the quality of democratic governance. Good democratic governance requires effective oppositions that can keep the governing party accountable yet are also able to put national interests above petty partisan politics.

(5) A free and responsible media: In the age of information revolution, a free and responsible media is necessary to empower the citizens to effectively participate in the democratic process. A media that is restricted by the lack of freedom and a media that is hampered by the lack of credibility can be equally dangerous to the health of democracy.

Taiwan's own road to democracy has been a difficult one, marked by the great massacre of 228, a long period of "white terror" and 38 years of repressive rules under the martial law. Yet in the last decade of the 20th century, democracy blossomed like the wild lily that has become a symbol of its democratic movement. With its first popular presidential election in 1996 and eventual peaceful transfer of power in 2000, Taiwan's eventual democratic achievement is nothing short of a political miracle.

I have been an active participant and witness to Taiwan's struggle for democracy. In the early 70's, I returned from the United States and started the women's movement in Taiwan, at the same time becoming involved in the opposition movement for democratization. In the famous "Kaohsiung Incident," activists gathered on December 10, 1979 to celebrate the International Human Rights Day. During that rally, I delivered the main 20-minute speech calling for democratization. To discredit the democratization movement, the KMT government sent police and soldiers to start a riot within the peaceful rally. Three days later, the government arrested me along with 151 other activists. Eight of us, known later as the "Kaohsiung Eight," were charged with sedition, a crime punishable by death.

In March 1980, the eight of us were tried in a martial court, represented by a group of courageous defense attorneys, including one young and intense lawyer named Chen Shui-bian. Despite their valiant efforts, the military court still sentenced us to lengthy prison sentences on the basis of confessions elicited through torture. Yet the publicity surrounded the trial opened many people's eyes to the injustice of the KMT regime and motivated more individuals to join the democracy movement. No one would have expected that twenty years later, in March 2000, one of the defense lawyers and one of the defendants in the Kaohsiung Incident would be elected as the president and the vice president of the country. Through an open, fair, democratic and peaceful election, the people of Taiwan replaced the authoritarian regime that once persecuted them and turn over the power to govern to the persecuted in the most democratic and peaceful way. It was the crowning moment of Taiwan's struggle for democracy.

Taiwan's political miracle is not simply a result of economic prosperity. Three elements contributed to Taiwan's democratization. First, economic development in the 70's and the 80s provided Taiwan with an educated middle class that is able to effectively stand up for its rights. Second, the various organizations in opposition movement during the late 70's brought the demand of democracy to the street and break the fear and silence imposed through a network of secret police and informants. Most importantly, the women's liberalization movement, which I started in 1971, pushed the issue of gender justice to the forefront and brought in the other 50% of the population into the fight for democracy. Today, Taiwan's democratic achievement, along with its economic prosperity, has won recognition and affirmation throughout the world.

As the next step in Taiwan's democratic development, I initiated and founded a Taiwan-based international organization called the Democratic Pacific Union ("DPU") on August 14 of this year, the sixtieth anniversary of the end of World War Two in the Pacific. The goal of the DPU is to bring together democratic countries from around the Pacific region to promote the principles of "DPP": democracy, peace and prosperity. The seed of the DPU started as a response to the call of the United Nations' International Year for the Culture of Peace in 2000. Prior to the establishment of the DPU, a Global Peace Assembly, a Preparatory Meeting and two Democratic Pacific Assemblies were held in Taiwan. At its inauguration in August, DPU already has 28 members from the three main regions, the Americas region, the Asia-Pacific region and the South Pacific region.

The recent rise of thriving capitalistic and authoritarian regimes underscores the danger of economic prosperity without democracy; the founding members of the DPU recognized that democracy is essential to the promotion of peace and that peace is essential to the development of prosperity. Only by promoting the value of democracy, peace and prosperity together can Asia experience true progress.

To promote the principles of democracy, peace and prosperity, DPU has started 10 projects for the next two years.

1. The Symposium on Avian Influenza in Indonesia in November this year, co-sponsored by the Habibie Center, will bring together international experts to exchange ideas and discuss cooperative measures to combat the immediate threat of a potentially catastrophic global pandemic caused by the current avian influenza in Asia.

2. The 2005 Taiwan Election Observation Group, made of electoral scholars and professionals, will visit Taiwan to observe its combined local election and participate in related seminars.

3. The DPU Graduate Scholarship provides eligible students an opportunity to study in Taiwan, to better understand the cultural and social development of Taiwan, as well as its economic and democratic experiences.

4. The DPU Visiting Fellowship Program promotes academic exchanges and cooperation between DPU members.

5. The Pacific Center for Women's Development will be a network of organizations that address developmental issues related to women and will provide a forum to empower women.

6. The Pacific Center for Disaster Prevention will help DPU members coordinate natural disasters prevention and mitigation efforts and will serve as a source of information on disaster-related researches.

7. The Pacific Ocean Remote Sensing Center will promote cooperation among DPU members to develop a sustainable management of marine resources.

8. The Pacific Advisory Group, made of economic, business, political and NGO leaders from more developed members of the DPU, will share their experiences and expertise in economic, social and political development with less developed members.

9. The Pacific Congressional Caucus is a network of legislators from around the Pacific region that promotes dialogues among legislators and sharing of experiences on legislative reforms.

10. The Pacific Internet University will facilitate sharing of experiences and expertise in various areas through the Internet and promote lifetime learning among DPU members.

With these 10 projects, the DPU seeks to better promote practical exchanges among its members and better promote democracy, peace and prosperity throughout the Pacific region.

Ladies and Gentlemen, we are all fellow travelers on this road to democracy. The struggle is long and difficult, and many of us have sacrificed much to bring democracy to our countries. While we may be justified to revel in the eventual triumph of democracy, we still have much work ahead of us. As young democracies, we have to continue in the effort to consolidate democracy. Equally important, we have a responsibility to our neighbors and the people in our region to ensure that they too may enjoy the fruits of democracy one day – we have to serve as examples and lighthouses for those that follow. We cannot do these alone. Through cooperation and unity, we will build a community of democracies. Drawing from our collective strength, we will lay a solid foundation for democracy in Asia. I believe that, with our collective effort and through organizations such as the WFDA, the dream of democracy in Asia will be a reality.

I hope you enjoy your visit in Taiwan; I wish everyone here the best and success for the rest of the conference.

Thank you.

 

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