Predicaments of Democracy and Political Ethics
Thoughts on the occasion of the annual DPP National Congress
Chen Shui-bian
President
Republic of China (Taiwan)
July 21, 2006
My frame of mind and thoughts on the night of March 18, 2000 still remain fresh in my memory and can never be forgotten. The thrill of victory when the result of the presidential election was announced was short-lived and quickly replaced by concerns about the many more heavy responsibilities I had to bear and the unknowns that lay ahead of me.
The well-being and security of the 23 million people of Taiwan, as well as the cumulative aftereffects of malfeasance during half a century of authoritarian one-party rule, would rest squarely on my shoulders. For it was me whom the people had chosen, and it was me whom they demanded to faithfully fulfill the obligations stipulated by the Constitution and take up the duty of leading the nation.
Looking back on the past six years, in consideration of all the difficulties that I and my administrative team have encountered every day, including the recent spate of confusing events, were I to resign from the presidency for those reasons, it would certainly be the easiest way for me and my family to be released from our personal trials. Over the past 25 years, I have placed too great a burden of troubles on my family. My decision to enter politics resulted in my wife's being crippled for the rest of her life.
As the consequence of my imprisonment in connection with the Formosa Magazine case and the subsequent ups and downs of my political career, my children became the victims of discriminatory treatment. For a long time, they lived in a conscribed environment lacking in trust and feeling of security, in which they could not make friends like other children did. As a father and husband, I was deeply aggrieved at the situation, and on more than one occasion had the intention of quitting politics and staying away from all controversies. These are personal family matters, however, and I do not mean to ask for others' sympathy.
Several days ago, Mr. Wu Nai-teh, a research fellow at Academia Sinica, and several other old acquaintances of mine suggested that I resign from the presidency while my integrity is still intact in order to set a rare example for Taiwan's democracy. I appreciate their caring and trying to protect me, which has intensified my conflicted feelings. There may be some room for discussion concerning the suggestions in their conclusions. Regardless, I implicitly trust in the good will of their intentions. I am willing to turn a humble and receptive ear to their opinions, and I want to call on the society not to be suspicious of their motives.
Today and tomorrow, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) will hold its National Congress. In keeping with my decision to delegate my powers, I will not attend the congress. This, however, will in no way diminish my love and expectations for the party. The DPP is Taiwan's first native political party. It is also Taiwan's first democratic political party. Taiwan is the DPP's ultimate concern, and democracy has been our unfaltering faith ever since the dangwai (outside the Kuomintang) era.
Taiwan is the only place its 23 million people can depend on to build a secure life. If the nation loses its sovereignty and becomes a second Hong Kong, Taiwan's democracy will have no chance or space for development. By the same token, if Taiwan abandons its pursuit of freedom and democracy, and once again takes the path of authoritarian rule, Taiwan will become a mere geographic name, for which there will no longer be any cause for us to strive and struggle. Between Taiwan and democracy lies an equal sign. Only by continuing to deepen and enrich its democracy can Taiwan steadily fulfill its potential for greatness.
When still in the opposition, the DPP made appeals to lift martial law, remove restrictions on establishing political parties and newspapers, hold elections for all legislative seats, and elect the president directly.
After becoming the ruling party, it did not slow down the pace of democratization. Within a short six years, the promises it made to the people regarding democracy were honored. Major tasks accomplished in the endeavor to concretely realize the democratic ideal of sovereignty lying with the people include:
- nationalizing the armed forces;
- rationalizing the operations of intelligence agencies to better conform with legal frameworks;
- removing political parties from campuses and the judiciary;
- banning political parties from running media and other businesses;
- initiating the first nationwide referendum;
- completing the constitutional re-engineering projects of creating a unicameral national legislature by abolishing the National Assembly and enshrining the right of referendum in the Constitution;
- and ceasing the functioning and application of the National Unification Council and Guidelines for National Unification.
Yet, our accomplishments have been far from adequate--neither enough nor good enough. Moreover, these accomplishments in democratization could not have been brought to fruition single-handedly by me or the DPP without the people's affirmation and support. It is the people who are the true sovereigns in ensuring the completion of all great undertakings. Only by standing side-by-side with the people at all times, by solicitously and responsibly listening to them, and by serving them with a sincere heart, can the DPP's continued administration be justified and meaningful.
We love Taiwan and the freedom and values that it stands for. What we most regret, therefore, is to see the continual escalation of confrontation between groups and rending of society being generated by party politics and rivalry in democratic elections.
Since the transfer of power between political parties in 2000, there has been unceasing political disorder and turmoil. The primary root of these problems lies in differences over national identity. In part, they also reflect a number of predicaments commonly faced by all third-wave newly emergent democracies that continually test the wisdom and determination of politicians, as well as the people's faith in and firm adherence to democracy. These include the thorny issues of seeking justice during the transitional period, the deterioration of healthy party rivalry into vicious competition, and debate over alternative systems of constitutional government.
Differences over national identity have long existed in Taiwan's society, having arisen from the absence of democracy. When those in power half a century ago, in the name of "legal continuity" and through the imposition of martial law, deprived Taiwan's people thoroughly of their right to make their own decisions, they sowed the seeds for differences to arise over national identity.
Of course, the intensifying of these differences is directly related to political mobilization and demands. However, such mobilization could not have gathered force without certain conditions and a certain environment existing in Taiwan's society. Therefore, how these long-term conflicts are faced and resolved is more imperative and important than trying to determine who is responsible for the situation.
When we look at the unfairness and injustice of the past authoritarian rule, in addition to warped ideological concepts, there are many violent acts of exploitation and infringements upon human rights that have not been properly dealt with. The historical facts must be restored, for only when the true picture is revealed can justice be upheld and genuine reconciliation and forgiveness be sought.
The experiences of other newly emerging democracies have shown, however, that pursuing the truth has often been the very factor that creates social tension and disrupting unity. Given the differences in Taiwan over national identity, finding justice in the course of democratization is even more complicated.
In recent years, the government has offered to compensate and restore the names and reputations of victims of the February 28 Incident and the "White Terror" as well as their families. It has compiled and published official archives and records on such major cases as the February 28 Incident and the Lei Jhen case. These endeavors to restore the truth were intended to provide consolation to the deceased and their families.
Of course, these efforts are not enough. There are far too many questions that remain unanswered. Several forms of distress caused by the past party-state system have yet to be erased. We must continue to explore and learn, in order that we may seek a balanced path of responsibility, justice, unity, and reconciliation, and that the past suffering can be eased and the lessons of history remembered. These painful experiences shall not be deliberately ignored or distorted in a continued attempt to bury the truth with the past.
Meanwhile, the development of other newly emerging democracies, particularly the former communist countries in Eastern Europe, has proven that democracy is very fragile. Leaders of old regimes, with their huge power bases, often resist and challenge new administrations on all fronts, refusing to play the role of a loyal opposition as in normal democracies. In paralyzing government operations and causing social turmoil with the aim of gradually usurping power, the actions of such people manifest not a strengthening of democracy, but rather its regression.
Amid the continuing political rivalry between the new and old administrations, issues concerning the choice of constitutional system--such as the system of the central government, the relationship between the central and local governments, and reform of the electoral system--have repeatedly been the focus of political struggles. The approaches employed to solicit the people's power and draw on their collective wisdom to produce a fitting and viable new constitution are what will decide whether third-wave new democracies can consolidate and strengthen their democratic systems.
National identity, rectifying past injustices, deterioration of the quality of interaction between political parties, and the choice of constitutional system are the main issues Taiwan and other new democracies face as they move from authoritarianism to democracy. However, none of them has found solutions to all of these problems. Every one of these countries, including Taiwan, is still learning to find its own way, trying and erring, and drawing conclusions from its experiences.
Since the best solution has yet to be found, I sincerely hope that the governing and opposition parties, as well as the general public, can adopt a more tolerant attitude and broader perspective, transcend their political ideologies and prejudices, speak frankly and sincerely, and draw on their collective wisdom and strive to find a new way for Taiwan.
Insisting on Taiwan-centric consciousness and social justice will remain my watchwords and core values in the coming two years. My efforts will concentrate on localization, culture, environmental protection, ecology, and the disadvantaged. I will not concurrently serve as the DPP chairman again, and I consider the party's Standing Committee to be the appropriate platform for discussions between the party and the Cabinet to take place. In the wake of my transfer of some of my powers to the Cabinet, the ruling party, the Cabinet, and the party caucus should share responsibility to prevent a power vacuum that might affect the implementation of administrative programs. This is all that I care about, not my title or position.
In recent months, I have often pondered the question of where to draw the line between the realms of politics and personal relations. Since the president and all the members of his family are, in the end, human beings, there will of course be familial and friendship bonds between them. It is impossible to break off contact entirely. There are many things that cannot be forgiven, it is true. Yet, on whether or not one can start anew by making a sincere confession, there may be no consensus.
The subject of politics is human beings, and the quality of "being human" is its most difficult aspect to get right, while at the same time being its most precious aspect. The purpose of politics is to improve the well-being of the people, and is not a matter of struggle for power between political parties or figures.
Democratic politics is based on the premise that humans are by nature good. People form communities because of mutual trust and then go further to establish countries. We cannot allow hostile language and feelings to continue to spread and corrode the basis of mutual trust on which Taiwan's society depends for its continued existence. We cannot sacrifice Taiwan just to gain political power, nor can we discard democratic values for the partisan interests of political parties. This is the moral standard that all of those in politics, myself included, must measure up to.
Whether I remain in or leave office is, in the grand torrent of history, of little significance. Yet, like all those who care about Taiwan's future, I see the defense of our long-held beliefs, our democratic values, our identity as citizens of Taiwan, as well as the welfare of this nation's 23 million people, as our undeniable historic responsibility. I am willing to humbly and thoroughly examine myself and rectify all of my faults and deficiencies, and I ask the people to encourage me and grant me the strength to complete this unfinished task.