President Chen Shui-bian's Remarks to
the Opening Ceremony of the
International Conference on After the Third Wave
Office of the President
Republic of China (Taiwan)
August 13, 2007
Chairman Chen of Taiwan Thinktank; Conference Moderator Professor Cheng; Professor O'Donnell, Keynote Speaker and Winner of the International Political Science Association's Prize for Lifetime Achievement; Esteemed Ambassadors; Academics from Home and Abroad; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen:
Good morning to you all!
It is a great pleasure to have been invited to attend the "International Conference on After the Third Wave" hosted by Taiwan Thinktank.
I still remember clearly the conference "Towards a Global Forum on New Democracies" so meticulously organized and conducted by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy in Taipei on January 26th this year. Former heads of state from the Republic of Korea, Mongolia, Poland, South Africa, and El Salvador, who have led their countries onto the path of democratization, were invited to attend. They and I extensively exchanged views on the challenges and trials our countries have encountered during the process of democratization, and we issued a declaration launching the Global Forum on New Democracies.
The inaugural meeting of the Global Forum is scheduled to take place in Taipei in late January next year. In addition to the just-mentioned five former heads of state, former presidents of Bulgaria and Mexico have also agreed, provisionally, to take part in the gathering. I believe that the forum's operations will enable democracy advocates to more effectively share their invaluable experiences and offer practical recommendations regarding how to continue expanding and deepening democracy worldwide.
Before the opening ceremony of the conference "Towards a Global Forum on New Democracies," I had the opportunity to accompany the five former presidents on a stroll through a "democracy corridor" exhibiting histories and images chronicling our respective countries' democratic developments. We noted numerous similarities between our countries in our struggles for democracy. We saw the tense, oppressing, and intimidating atmosphere preceding the collapse of authoritarian regimes; people spontaneously taking to the streets in open protest; dictators deposed in consternation; and the contradictions, conflicts, and disorder immediately following democratic transitions. Each country, Taiwan being no exception, has undergone similar difficulties and trials.
What is comforting is that during Taiwan's march toward democracy, we have not experienced much bloodshed or violence, nor have we seen a military coup or the military's intervention into politics. Our economic development and social stability have not been interrupted. A poem by Chinese poet Li Bai, which aptly depicts Taiwan's democratization process, goes like this: "The monkeys are still screaming on both banks, yet our little boat has passed through myriad mountains." Though our democratization has often been a raucous process, this has not dampened the Taiwanese people's enthusiasm to pursue freedom, democracy, and justice. What buttresses such pursuits is the 23 million Taiwanese people's staunch faith in democracy and their political wisdom. Taiwan's success story can serve as a reference and a mirror to countries where democracy has yet to develop, especially China.
Taiwan can be regarded as both fortunate and unfortunate when compared with other young democracies. It is unfortunate because its democratic transition has been dogged by two especially troublesome factors: China's military threat and the Taiwanese people's divided views on their national identity.
For many years, China has narrowed, denigrated, and even stigmatized the Taiwanese people's efforts to pursue freedom and democracy as "moves toward de jure independence." It has condemned and relentlessly tried to suppress such efforts, which include: Taiwan's first popular presidential election in 1996; the transfer of power between political parties in 2000; the passage of the Referendum Act in 2003; the first national referendum held in Taiwan in 2004; the abolition of the National Assembly and enshrining the right of referendum in the Constitution in 2005; the cessation of functioning of the National Unification Council and application of the Guidelines for National Unification in 2006; our application to participate in the World Health Organization and the United Nations under the name "Taiwan" this year; and the protracted movement to reengineer the Constitution.
Over the past seven years, Taiwan's democracy has been developing under the shadow of missile attack. This has made our arduous democratization process even more so. I believe that, in terms of the burden of pressure endured for the sake of safeguarding democracy, Taiwan is second to none in the world. But such trials have also revealed the Taiwanese people's perseverance and unwavering faith in pursuing democracy.
Democracy means "sovereignty lies with the people." A nation deprived of sovereignty cannot sustain democracy. Taiwan is a sovereign nation. Its sovereignty belongs to its 23 million people. Only the people of Taiwan have the right to decide Taiwan's future. These truths constitute the sole foundation upon which Taiwan's democracy can continue to consolidate and deepen.
The previous authoritarian regime's insistence on upholding the supposed "legitimacy" of the "greater China ideology" resulted in several adverse consequences. The presidents of this country ought to have been popularly elected, but one of our previous presidents inherited the presidency from his father upon his death and likewise was president until his own death, as if they were emperors. Members of the National Assembly, who also were supposed to be regularly elected by the people, never went through any election until the assembly was abolished. And a constitution which has never won the consent of the Taiwanese people was forcefully imposed upon them. Until this very day, we are still unable to adjust or alter the main body of the Constitution. To put it simply, the rigid, outdated, and illusory "greater China ideology" has been the archenemy and culprit hindered, delayed, and even damaged Taiwan's democratic and constitutional development.
Today's Taiwan is a truly free and democratic country, but its democratic system is not yet complete. The quality of Taiwan's democracy needs improvement, too. I believe that our people need to work together on five major projects in order to make Taiwan's democracy sound and healthy.
First, we need to strengthen Taiwan-centric consciousness and ensure that Taiwan's national sovereignty will not be denigrated or violated. Taiwan has the right to participate in the international community as a sovereign state and to actively seek membership in the UN and the WHO.
Second, we need to strengthen our democratic system and the rule of law. The so-called "bird-cage Referendum Act" has to be rectified as soon as possible, so as to thoroughly realize the ideal of "sovereignty lies with the people." Moreover, we will proactively promote a timely, relevant, and viable new Constitution in order to further enhance our overall national competitiveness.
Third, we need to establish a fair environment for competition between political parties. To this day, a certain political party still relies on illegally acquired assets worth tens of billions of New Taiwan dollars obtained while it was in power. This aberration should not continue to exist in a normal democracy, which places great importance on fair competitions between political parties. Calling for the return of these illegally acquired assets is a move not only to demonstrate our persistence in pursuing transitional justice, but also to create an environment in which political parties can compete fairly, thereby directing Taiwan's party politics along the right path.
Fourth, we advocate the establishment of a self-discipline mechanism for the press. Today, people in Taiwan enjoy 100 percent freedom of speech and press, yet only 1 percent of the people regard this country's media as trustworthy. Whether Taiwan can become a normal democracy hinges crucially on whether it will be able to narrow the gap between the level of freedom enjoyed by the media and the public's trust in them.
Fifth, we will work to heighten people's awareness of the need to participate in public affairs and debates. Sensationalism, verbal abuses, and carping should by no means become the substance of Taiwan's democracy. What we need is more of public participation in civic affairs and rational debate. The purpose of democracy is not to make a distinction between the majority and the minority, nor is it about escalating confrontation between people holding different opinions. Rather, democracy seeks to form the broadest possible consensus concerning the greatest common good. It is not enough for Taiwan to just have the structure of democracy. We need more love and trust in place of the suspicion and hostility that have divided our people.
In saying these things, my purpose is to share with you some of the lessons I have learned and a few thoughts, based on my nearly three decades of immersion in Taiwan's democracy movement and my seven years' experience as Taiwan's national leader. I surely welcome your comments and criticisms in hopes of doing better.
In closing, I would like to wish this conference every success and wish all of you health and happiness. Thank you.