President Ma Ying-jeou attended the International Conference on Retrospect and Prospect on Cross-Strait Relations on the morning of May 14 at the National Taiwan University Hospital International Convention Center, and explained the ROC's mainland China policy in a speech entitled "Pioneering Peace in the Taiwan Strait, Primed for Regional Prosperity."
English translation of the first portion of the president's speech, delivered in Chinese:
As part of the East Asian geopolitical sphere, over the past seven years the Republic of China (ROC) has always acted in a spirit of reconciliation, peace, and cooperation, and tried to play the role of a peacemaker and responsible stakeholder, promoting a mainland policy whose central tenets are peace and prosperity while developing mutually beneficial cross-strait relations. As a result, since the two sides came under separate rule 66 years ago, the cross-strait status quo has never been more stable, which has contributed to regional security and global peace.
The peace and stability that reign in the Taiwan Strait today didn't just fall from the sky. Looking back over the past seven years, based on the "1992 Consensus," whereby each side acknowledges the existence of "one China" but maintains its own interpretation of what that means, the two sides have been moving forward on the path of peace through positive interaction.
The "1992 Consensus" and "one China, respective interpretations" are based on the ROC Constitution. So for us, of course "one China" means the Republic of China. It cannot be interpreted as "two Chinas," "one China, one Taiwan," or "Taiwan independence," all of which are impermissible under our Constitution. The "one China with respective interpretations" concept thus reflects the cross-strait status quo and provides "mutual non-recognition of sovereignty and mutual non-denial of governing authority," which in turn underscores ROC sovereignty and respect for Taiwan. It also constitutes the foundation of trust upon which the current cross-strait consensus was built.
The 1992 Consensus is certainly not a panacea that resolves all cross-strait problems. But the practical experience derived from the peaceful development of cross-strait relations since I took office confirms that the 1992 Consensus is workable and inclusive, with viable game rules.
Here, I would like to explain that over the past 20 years there have been three key historical documents that verify the existence and substance of the 1992 Consensus. The first document is from August 1, 1992 when former President Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) convened a plenary session of the National Unification Council (NUC). At that meeting a resolution was passed on the meaning of "one China" stating that: "Both sides of the Taiwan Strait insist that there is only one China. However, the two sides have different opinions as to the meaning of 'one China.'" That resolution was former President Lee's personal directive. It is also an important contribution that he made to cross-strait relations. I was there at the time as an NUC researcher, and raised the motion for deliberation, so I was also a witness to that historic document.
The second document is from talks that took place in Hong Kong at the end of October 1992. The mainland side wanted to discuss how "one China" should be interpreted. But no consensus was reached. So on November 3, the ROC's Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) suggested that both sides express their interpretation of "one China" verbally. On November 16 the mainland's Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) sent a response saying that they respected and accepted the SEF's suggestion. The SEF's suggestion was approved by the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC). The MAC minister at that time was Huang Kun-huei (黃昆輝), and I was the deputy minister.
The third document is from March 26, 2008, four days after the ROC's presidential election. Mainland China's leader Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) spoke to former US President George W. Bush by phone that day and proposed that, "Mainland China and Taiwan should restore consultation and talks on the basis of the 1992 Consensus, which sees both sides recognize there is only one China, but agree to differ on its definition."
Those three documents all have great historical significance. The NUC resolution was passed following a directive from the ROC's Head of State, representing the ROC. The document from the 1992 Hong Kong talks between the SEF and the ARATS represents the consensus reached between the parties on both sides. And the phone exchange between Mr. Hu and Mr. Bush confirms that mainland China and the United States both recognize the 1992 Consensus.
What I want to emphasize is this: The 1992 Consensus is a critically important consensus that has been recognized, and agreed to, by the respective parties. The 1992 Consensus, whereby each side acknowledges the existence of "one China" but maintains its own interpretation of what that means, has allowed the ROC and mainland China to pull back from the brink of war and move toward cooperative engagement; it transformed potential volatility into peace and prosperity. And at its very core, the 1992 Consensus is a commitment to upholding the ROC sovereignty.
It's undeniable that some people in Taiwan society see the 1992 Consensus differently. Other people have proposed other initiatives, hoping to establish a new basis for cross-strait interaction. But after they were explained in Taiwan, and in the course of cross-strait interactions, none of those initiatives have been able to win the approval and trust of the relevant stakeholders in Taiwan society, mainland China, or the region. So to date, the 1992 Consensus has still received the most support. Public opinion polls conducted by the MAC in November of 2014 and May of 2015 show public support for "one China, respective interpretations" at 53% if "one China" means the ROC.
Actually, it's clear from the development of cross-strait relations over the past 23 years: The 1992 Consensus is the key to progress in cross-strait relations. When we abide by that Consensus, cross-strait relations flourish. If we diverge from it, cross-strait relations will deteriorate. And if we oppose it, there will be turmoil in the Taiwan Strait. I'm convinced that the key to maintaining cross-strait peace and stability in the future lies in abiding by the 1992 Consensus: one China, respective interpretations.
Next, I'd like to talk about some key achievements resulting from the ROC government's efforts over the past seven years to promote the peaceful development of cross-strait relations. First, based on the principle of putting Taiwan first for the benefit of the people, we have signed 21 agreements with the mainland that support the people's livelihood through institutionalized negotiations, and also reached consensus on two issues. Our steady and methodical promotion of cross-strait negotiations and exchanges has laid a good foundation for cross-strait peace and stability while simultaneously creating a more supportive environment for Taiwan's prosperity and development.
In terms of official interaction, we have also made historic progress. Last year, ministerial officials responsible for cross-strait affairs from both sides met three times, addressing each other using their official titles. In the 65 years since the two sides came under separate rule, that was a major milestone in the development of cross-strait relations. Taiwan's MAC and the mainland's Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council also established a mechanism for regular communication and liaison.
The institutionalization of reciprocal visits by the heads of the respective offices on both sides of the Taiwan Strait responsible for cross-strait affairs, and the normalization of communication and liaison mechanisms between the authorities responsible for cross-strait affairs, allow important issues to be handled pragmatically. That helps make miscalculations less likely, and strengthens mutual trust.
For many years, opinion polls conducted by the Executive Yuan's MAC show that the mainstream popular will in Taiwan favors maintaining the status quo. That is also the core of the government's mainland policy: Maintain the status quo comprising "no unification, no independence, and no use of force" under the framework of the ROC Constitution. And "maintaining the status quo" isn't just a slogan. There has to be a substance and foundation that can win the support of all the various stakeholders. For this administration, that foundation is "one China, respective interpretations."
Based on that foundation, the current government's mainland policy has not only promoted prosperous and mutually beneficial cross-strait relations, but also had a spillover effect so the peace dividend has been felt in cross-strait affairs, internationally, in economics and trade, and in terms of security. This has created a multilateral win-win situation for the entire Asia-Pacific Region.
In the past, the Taiwan Strait was a flashpoint for conflict, and cross-strait tensions almost brought the two sides to the brink of war. But the inauguration on May 20, 2008 clearly eased those tensions. So today, citizens from both sides cross the Taiwan Strait over eight million times each year—for travel, business, to study or visit, which enhances mutual knowledge and understanding while transmitting and sharing universal values like democracy, freedom, rule of law, and human rights. That interaction makes the overall wellbeing of the people and the human rights guarantees they enjoy important elements in the cross-strait interaction and development equation. At the same time, cross-strait interaction also points the development of mainland citizens and society in a positive direction, creating favorable conditions for the happiness and well-being of the people on both sides.
In the global arena, the international community has encouraged the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations, and the world's major nations have affirmed and supported cross-strait progress. Former US President George W. Bush and his successor, President Barack Obama, as well as key leaders throughout Europe, the Americas, and Asia have all encouraged the ROC's current mainland policy, acknowledging that peace in the Taiwan Strait is the key to regional stability. That peace also allows countries all over the world to have peaceful interactions with both sides of the Strait, an unprecedented development.
Furthermore, the ROC has also been able to participate in international organizations, attending the World Health Assembly (WHA) for six consecutive years after a hiatus of 38 years, and the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) in September last year after an absence of 42 years. These opportunities for participation are clearly a positive spillover from the improvement in cross-strait relations, and create a virtuous cycle of meaningful participation in international society that expands Taiwan's international space.
And while cross-strait economic and trade cooperation have continued to expand, Taiwan has also signed investment and fisheries agreements with Japan, and economic cooperation and economic partnership agreements with New Zealand and Singapore. Those agreements have added momentum to domestic economic development and Taiwan's efforts to participate in regional integration mechanisms such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).
In a recent public statement I listed three tasks that I will be actively promoting during my remaining time in office. Those tasks include: completing the Cross-Strait Trade in Goods Agreement to make the Cross-Straits Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) fully functional; establishing cross-strait representative offices to serve the public on both sides of the Strait; participating in the TPP and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiations, and participating in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as long as we are afforded dignity and equality. I believe that these are critical objectives in creating a happy and prosperous Taiwan, as well as ensuring sustainable peace in the Taiwan Strait.
End of translation.
President Ma continued his speech in English, transcribed as follows:
In conclusion, I would like to say a few words in English. For more than 20 years, there have been three historical documents that verify the existence of the 1992 Consensus, which has been critical to promoting peaceful development in the Taiwan Strait.
The first document is a resolution of the plenary session of the National Reunification Council passed on August 1st, 1992 with former President Lee Teng-hui presiding as chairman of the conference. The resolution was the meaning of "one China," which stated "Both sides of the Taiwan Strait insist that there is only one China. However, the two sides have different opinions as to the meaning of 'one China.'"
The second document is from talks that took place in Hong Kong at the end of October, 1992. The mainland side wanted to discuss how "one China" should be interpreted. But no consensus was reached. Shortly thereafter, on November 3, the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) suggested that both sides express their interpretations of "one China" verbally. On November 16 the mainland's Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) faxed a response saying that they respected and accepted the SEF's suggestion, and the two bodies gave verbal statements on their respective interpretations of the "one China" principle.
The third document is from March 26, 2008, four days after Taiwan's presidential election where I was elected. Mainland Chinese leader Hu Jintao spoke to former US President George W. Bush by phone that day, and proposed that, "Mainland China and Taiwan should restore consultation and talks on the basis of the 1992 Consensus, which sees both sides recognize there is only one China, but agree to differ on its definition."
In a historical sense, those three documents are all highly significant. The National Unification Council resolution was approved by the ROC's Head of State. The 1992 document between the SEF and the ARATS represents the consensus reached between the parties on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. And the phone exchange between Hu Jintao and George W. Bush confirms that mainland China and the United States both recognize the 1992 Consensus.
What I want to emphasize is this: The 1992 Consensus is a critically important consensus that has been recognized, and agreed to, by the respective parties. The 1992 Consensus, wherein there is one China, but with respective interpretations, has allowed Taiwan and mainland China to pull back from the brink of war, and move toward cooperative engagement; it transformed potential volatility into peace and prosperity. And at its very core, for us, the 1992 Consensus is a commitment to upholding the sovereignty of the Republic of China.
As the past seven years have shown: When we adhere to the 1992 Consensus, cross-strait relations prosper. If we diverge from that Consensus, cross-strait relations will deteriorate. And if we oppose the 1992 Consensus, there will be turmoil in the Taiwan Strait. So in the future, no matter who holds the reins of government, we must continue and consolidate this path. That is the only way to maintain cross-strait peace and stability. It is true that the "1992 Consensus" has been criticized as an ambiguous concept. Some even calls it "a masterpiece of ambiguity". But so what? As long as it works, and works well.
In closing, please accept my best wishes for a successful conference, and may you all enjoy peace and prosperity. Thank you!