Office of the President Republic of China(Taiwan)

On the morning of September 18, President Tsai Ing-wen attended the 65th annual meeting and 70th anniversary of the International Association of Judges (IAJ). In remarks, the president said that amid a rapidly changing global landscape, it is crucial that there is continued dialogue on how to best protect and improve the functioning of the judiciary. She stated that the pursuit of human rights is never ending, and that as new eras bring new challenges and revolutionary ideas, we must continue to work even harder to ensure comprehensive human rights protections. President Tsai emphasized that Taiwan is acutely aware of the importance of judicial independence and that our commitment to democracy drives our efforts to build a judicial system that is transparent, accountable, and responsive to the people it serves. The president noted that this year, Taiwan introduced a citizen judge system to incorporate a more diverse set of perspectives in the judicial process. She said that by having members of the public participate in this process alongside professional judges, we hope to help ensure fairness and foster greater trust in the judiciary. The president added that Taiwan is working tirelessly to achieve the highest international standards of judicial independence and human rights protections, in part through the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission in 2020, which monitors our implementation of international human rights conventions to meet the international benchmark. A transcript of President Tsai's remarks follows: To begin, I want to thank the JAROC [the Judges Association of Republic of China (Taiwan)] for hosting the 65th IAJ annual meeting, and I'm also pleased to join the IAJ to celebrate its 70th anniversary. I also want to welcome everyone who has traveled to Taiwan for this meeting. It is a pleasure to have you all here to discuss judicial independence, which is the pillar of democratic societies. As someone who studied and taught law for a long time, I must say that it is an honor to be in a room with so many esteemed judges and legal experts. In fact, this is not the first time the IAJ has set a major milestone here in Taiwan. When Taipei hosted the annual meeting in 1999, the IAJ adopted the Universal Charter of the Judge. This landmark document has helped enshrine the value of judicial independence. It states that the core functions of judges are to "ensure the rights of everyone to a fair trial" and to uphold the rule of law. And for such functions, judicial independence is indispensable. The charter also notes that judges need to maintain impartiality in order to "exercise judicial powers free from social, economic, and political pressure."  Although these principles may provide a blueprint for protecting the integrity of judges, we cannot take judicial independence for granted. It must be continuously upheld through individual commitments and institutional protections.  In Taiwan, we are acutely aware of the importance of judicial independence. Having achieved democracy after decades of authoritarian rule, we have no room to compromise on our democratic freedoms and the principles that sustain them.  It is our commitment to democracy that drives our efforts to build a judicial system that is transparent, accountable, and responsive to the people it serves. This year, we introduced the citizen judge system to incorporate a more diverse set of perspectives in the judicial process. By having members of the public participate in this process alongside professional judges, we hope to help ensure fairness and foster greater trust in the judiciary.  As our judicial system continues to evolve, the role of judges in upholding the constitution and the rule of law is of critical importance. With no guarantee for the rule of law by impartial and independent judges, there can be no guarantee for the protection of human rights. The IAJ provides strong support to a global community of judges dedicated to defending judicial integrity and human dignity, most notably through its constant work to deepen the professional knowledge of its members. This year's Constitutional Law Forum is part of this effort to facilitate in-depth conversations on judicial independence and constitutionalism, as well as some of the most pressing threats to these essential principles. Amid a rapidly changing global landscape, it is crucial that there is continued dialogue, like today's, on how to best protect and improve the functioning of the judiciary. And with new challenges constantly emerging, the judiciary will have to adapt and become more resilient, so that they can stand up to any form of political pressure, be it domestic or international. History shows us that the pursuit of human rights is never ending. New eras bring new challenges and revolutionary ideas. This is why we must continue to work even harder to ensure comprehensive human rights protections. To this end, we in Taiwan are working tirelessly to achieve the highest international standards of judicial independence and human rights protections. As part of our efforts, Taiwan established a National Human Rights Commission in 2020, which monitors our implementation of international human rights conventions. Several of such conventions, including CEDAW [the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women] and ICCPR [the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights], have also been incorporated into domestic law to meet the international benchmark of human rights. To conclude, I want to thank the members of the IAJ for coming to Taiwan and sharing your knowledge, experiences, and expertise. I hope you all have a pleasant stay in Taiwan. Please take some time to experience our culture and enjoy our beautiful scenery and, of course, delicious food. I wish you a successful meeting and a happy 70th anniversary to the IAJ. IAJ President José Igreja Matos was also in attendance at the event.

On the morning of October 1, President Tsai Ing-wen attended the 2018 International Conference on Constitutional Court and Human Rights Protection. She expressed hope that after our judicial reform, especially the adoption of Constitutional Court Procedure Act, the Justices of the Constitutional Court will continue to guide the stable development of our democratic constitutional order and to protect the constitutional rights of our people in a more effective and comprehensive manner. A transcript of the president's remarks follows: In celebration of the 70th anniversary of the Constitutional Court, the Judicial Yuan holds today's International Conference on Constitutional Court and Human Rights Protection. This is a special day in the history of our democratic and constitutional development. I am very honored to be part of this event. The Judicial Yuan also invites many internationally renowned constitutional scholars and experts, to participate in this international conference. I would like to extend the warmest welcome to you all. Thank you for coming. We all know that the Constitutional Court was established by the Constitution. However, the Constitution only contains rather simple provisions on this institution. The overall picture and the specific functions of the Constitutional Court, particularly regarding jurisdictions, organizational arrangements, and the procedures of the Constitutional Court were further specified either by the rules and decisions of the Court or by the statutes enacted by the legislature afterwards. As Taiwan was under martial law for a long time, the constitutional rights were severely limited then. After the lifting of the martial-law rule in 1987, Taiwan went through a decade-long democratization. At the same time, the Court has devoted itself to the protection of the people's constitutional rights and to the maintenance of the democratic constitutional order during and after Taiwan's democratic transition. Many Interpretations made by the Court also laid the foundations for Taiwan's current stable constitutional order and comprehensive protection of human rights. At every critical moment of our history when the constitutional order was faced with challenges, the Constitutional Court, as the guardian of the Constitution, has stood up in due time to protect the Constitution, to stabilize the constitutional order of the nation, and to lead the development of constitutional democracy of our country. Over the last 70 years, the Constitutional Court has developed into a mature institution exercising a wide spectrum of powers, including the power to review the constitutionality of laws and regulations, the power to settle the disputes between different governmental branches, and even the unique power to clarify the doubts arising from any Constitutional text. As compared to its counterparts around the world, Constitutional Court of ours is an institution entrusted with comprehensive jurisdictions. As part of our effort to reform Taiwan's judicial system, the Constitutional Court has further identified a problem with the protection of the constitutional rights of the people under the current system. So far, the Constitutional Court would only review the constitutionality of laws or regulations, and not that of court decisions. Against this backdrop, the Judicial Yuan has proposed to introduce the idea of "Constitutional Complaints", modelled after the system established by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany, in order to allow the people to challenge the constitutionality of the court decisions here. The Constitutional Court has introduced a legislative bill to amend the current Constitutional Interpretation Procedure Act and to rename it to be "Constitutional Court Procedure Act". Once passed, this new Act will empower the Constitutional Court to review the constitutionality of the final decisions of the courts of last resort, on top of the law and regulations. The organization of the Constitutional Court will also be reinforced to support this reform. It will be a watershed development of the Constitutional Court. Under this new Law, the Constitutional Court will be able to check and balance not only the executive and legislative powers, but also the decisions of ordinary courts. With the extension of such jurisdiction, the Constitutional Court will be able to provide a more complete and effective protection of the constitutional rights of the people. Under the Constitution and its Amendments, the Constitutional Court is entrusted with the powers to interpret the Constitution, to make uniform interpretations of statutes and regulations, to adjudicate the cases on the dissolution of unconstitutional political parties, and to try the impeachment cases of the President and Vice President. By virtue of constitutional amendments, legislation and its own Interpretations, the Constitutional Court is actually transforming itself from a "Council of Justices" to a real court, in terms of either petition requirements, court procedures or the format of interpretations. If the legislative bill of the Constitutional Court Procedure Act can be adopted by the Legislative Yuan by the end of this year, the above-mentioned new systems will be implemented two years after the enactment of this new Law. At that time, the Constitutional Court will hear and decide all the case, including the petitions for abstract review and for constitutional complaints in the form and procedures of a real court, instead of the current conference module. Even the name of Interpretation will be changed to Decisions or Judgments then. Along the formation and development of our Constitutional Court, we can see the trajectory that our institution gradually took shape. It has been a combination of borrowing from abroad and growing from soils at home. As far as the Constitutional Court is concerned, we need not debate on which type of court system is consistent with original intent of the Constitution. More importantly, we should focus on the historical context of the court practice over such a long period of 70 years. We shall be mindful of the evolution of our Constitutional Court and pay attention to its development. Moving through each critical constitutional moment, the Constitutional Court has functioned to safeguard the national security and the social order, to consolidate the foundation for democratic constitutional order, and to fulfill the promise to protect the constitutional rights. In other words, the status quo of our Constitutional Court is not what could have been foreseen by the constitutional framers 70 years ago. Instead, it has been the result of dynamic interactions between the congressional legislation, on one hand, and the Interpretations and practice of the Constitutional Court, on the other, after more than half a century's development. Intentionally or accidentally, we have borrowed many important ideas from constitutional courts abroad, while we insisted on developing our Court based on our indigenous contexts and needs. Regardless of the evolution of the constitutional interpretation system, the Justices of the Constitutional Court have served to protect our Constitution for 70 years. At each critical moment, they have made their proper judgments to facilitate Taiwan's democratic transition and to meet the needs of the people toward the Constitution. It is my sincere hope that, after our judicial reform, especially the adoption of Constitutional Court Procedure Act, the Justices of the Constitutional Court will continue to guide the stable development of our democratic constitutional order and to protect the constitutional rights of our people in a more effective and comprehensive manner. Finally, I wish this two-day international conference a great success. I hope our distinguished guests from abroad enjoy our culture, society, and hospitality during your visit, in addition to participating in the conference and sharing your valuable insights. I would also like to extend my best wishes to all participants. I wish all of you good health and best lucks. Thank you everyone.

On the morning of April 24, President Tsai Ing-wen met with a delegation of senior officials from agencies that promote clean government in Taiwan's Central American allies. During the meeting, the president emphasized that every country has to address the challenge of fighting corruption. She also expressed hope that Taiwan and its Central American allies can exchange experiences in anti-corruption work and judicial reform so that together, everyone can pursue national progress and enhance their bilateral friendships. In remarks, President Tsai stated that since taking office she has visited Central America twice, upholding the principle of "steadfast diplomacy based on mutual assistance for mutual benefits." Besides personally visiting diplomatic allies, she also values each opportunity to exchange views with officials from diplomatic allies when they visit Taiwan. The president said that these interactions facilitate closer friendships. She then said she was happy to welcome this delegation of officials from Guatemala, Belize, Nicaragua, Honduras, and the Dominican Republic, and hoped they will have a productive visit. President Tsai pointed out that over the past few years, Taiwan has signed judicial cooperation agreements with Honduras and Guatemala, and agreements on police cooperation with Belize and the Dominican Republic. She noted that anti-corruption work is an important issue in the judicial and law enforcement fields, and expressed confidence that through these agreements, Taiwan and Central American countries can have even more exchanges to address anti-corruption work. President Tsai pointed out that every country has to address the challenge of fighting corruption, and that the United Nations places great importance on anti-corruption work. Although Taiwan is not a formal member of the United Nations, we are as determined as any other country to pursue clean government. Taiwan has not only established a specialized anti-corruption agency—the Agency Against Corruption of the Ministry of Justice—it has also taken the initiative to pass the Act to Implement the United Nations Convention against Corruption. She suggested that the quality of a country's investment climate is closely related to clean government, and that Taiwan's continued efforts to promote clean government are designed to create a more attractive investment climate. The president further noted that, according to the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2017 issued by Transparency International, Taiwan was ranked 29th out of 180 countries and territories around the world. Though that was Taiwan's highest ranking in the past decade, she said, the nation will not rest on its laurels. This August, Taiwan will issue its first "national anti-corruption report," and invite international experts and scholars to be part of the review process. "We want the whole world to see that Taiwan can make clean, competent government a reality." President Tsai also mentioned that Taiwan has been working for judicial reform for the past two years so that the judiciary will once again belong to the people, and create a judicial system that guarantees human rights, that the people can trust, and that is easily accessible to citizens. She stated that all her guests had a legal background and a long track record in legal practice, so they can definitely understand the importance of ethical government and judicial reform. She voiced hope that Taiwan and its diplomatic allies can share experiences, and that together, they can all pursue progress. She also expressed hope that the delegation would come to a deeper friendship with Taiwan during their visit. Included in the delegation were Guatemala Attorney General Thelma Aldana, Belize Attorney General Michael George Peyrefitte, and representatives of anti-corruption agencies from Taiwan's diplomatic allies.

After a full day of discussions on August 12 at the Presidential Office National Conference on Judicial Reform, President Tsai Ing-wen summarized the conference results, emphasizing that the true key to judicial reform lies in subsequent action. She also said she would closely monitor reform progress and she asked all government agencies involved to keep reforms firmly on track, enhance their efficacy and pick up the pace to create a judicial system that the public can depend on. The following is a translation of President Tsai's remarks: Once again, I want to thank all of the conference participants. We've been hard at work since this morning, and heard many insightful opinions. Your remarks have all been marked by heartfelt hopes and expectations. This has been a very significant judicial reform conference, not just because so many different viewpoints were expressed, but also because we changed the methods of the past. Over half of the people we invited to participate in these discussions were not from the legal profession, so perspectives on legal reform won't be limited to legal experts. That also allowed the people who utilize the legal system to express their perspectives, while taking the ideas and needs of the general public into consideration. That change was necessary to thoroughly examine our legal system. I want to take this opportunity to urge all incumbent judges and prosecutors to encourage and support each other. For people within the system, being put under a microscope may be uncomfortable, tiring, and frustrating. No one understands that more than I do. But working in the public sector, being paid by the state, we are obliged to accept criticism and submit to oversight. And I do believe that most of our judges and prosecutors have high hopes for reform. As the leader of our government, I will work with the Judicial Yuan, the Ministry of Justice, and all of my government colleagues to promote judicial reform. Where changes are possible, we must not hesitate. Where changes take more time and a step-by-step approach, we must establish clear procedures and timetables. Where there are difficulties, we must not be afraid to explain them, and have a dialogue with Taiwan society. A positive approach will help the public understand reform efforts, and change some of society's stereotypes about the judicial system. If we give our very best efforts, I am sure that one day, we can make our society believe that they can trust our justice system. I also want to say a few words to participants from the private sector, and members of the public who care about judicial reform. I thank you for your candid and sincere suggestions. Your efforts will not be in vain. This National Conference has heightened awareness of judicial reform issues, and spurred many concrete reform proposals. These achievements belong to all of you, and to Taiwan society as a whole. I'm sure everyone is well aware that changing such a long-standing and complex situation requires more effort and time than just talking about it. And from the resolutions of the various subcommittees, and the diversity and difficulty of the issues that have been raised, we can see that the road ahead—from initiatives to implementation— will be long. So please give the government some time, and during the reform process, continue providing civilian oversight to ensure that the progress we've achieved so far will be translated into concrete results. I know that many points of consensus reached at the last national judicial reform conference in 1999 were never implemented, and I noticed many of the comments we heard here today focused on the word "implementation." We were never under the illusion that a conference would resolve all these issues. The real key lies in subsequent action. And as convener of the National Conference on Judicial Reform, my responsibility does not end here. First, after this national conference concludes, I will personally monitor reform progress very closely. I intend to ask Professor and former Grand Justice Lin Tzu-Yi (林子儀) to chair an advisory task force, and regularly report to me about public feedback regarding judicial reform progress. This will help me understand perspectives from throughout society. Second, judicial reform involves the rights and responsibilities of all five branches (yuan) of Taiwan's government, and that will require coordination. As president, this is my constitutional responsibility, so I will take on the task of coordinating between the five yuan. I will help them maintain good lateral communications, and monitor their concrete progress. Third, agencies under the Judicial Yuan and the Executive Yuan need to keep reforms firmly on track, enhance their efficacy and pick up the pace. For reforms where there is already a consensus, and no need to amend laws, please propose and promote feasible measures as soon as possible. I would also request that the Executive Yuan establish a mechanism to coordinate cross-agency matters and determine a proper division of labor. Fourth, I also want to ask the Judicial Yuan and the Executive Yuan to bring forth a report every six months regarding the reform schedule, explaining to the public how reforms are progressing. Fifth, many of the issues addressed at this national conference involve the rights and responsibilities of the legislative branch, so full communication with legislators, who represent the will of the people, is needed. The relevant agencies must arrange to report to the legislature with full explanations. In cases that involve amending the law, please solicit a broad range of public opinion so that people who haven't taken part in the National Conference can air their views. Once a consensus is formed, we can bring about draft legislation to the Legislative Yuan for deliberation. And finally, I want to thank all my fellow citizens who have provided opinions, taken part in online discussions, and otherwise shown concern for judicial reform, as well as all the conference participants and our government colleagues. You have all played important roles in the judicial reform process. I also want to specially thank the distinguished guests who attended this morning's proceedings, especially Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) of the People First Party, Chairman Huang Kuo-Chang (黃國昌) of the New Power Party, and Chairperson Hsu Hsin-ying (徐欣瑩) of the Minkuotang, all of whom shared very valuable suggestions. The support provided by all of the political parties through their participation and concern is certainly an asset for our reform efforts.  More than an investigation of different systems or a matter of academic research, judicial reform is an integral part of people's lives. Many people are pinning their hopes on us, including those on the front line of judicial work, crime victims and their families, those who have suffered unfair treatment in the judicial system, and every citizen who hopes that justice will be fully realized.  We must remain firm so that the public will come to trust the judicial system. We cannot hesitate on reform issues. We must move full steam ahead, and continue our efforts. Although this meeting is drawing to a close, reform will keep moving ahead. Thank you!

On the morning of July 10, President Tsai Ing-wen presided over the sixth meeting of the Presidential Office Preparatory Committee for the National Conference on Judicial Reform. She stressed that judicial reform must proceed from the perspective of everyday people, the results of reform discussions must be presented in language that is readily understood by the general public, and the direction of reform must meet the public's expectations. The following is a translation of President Tsai's remarks: Allow me to start by offering my sincere thanks. Since November of last year, you have all spent a lot of time making preparations. You've held 40 subcommittee meetings, engaged in very thorough discussions of judicial reform, and put forward many solid and detailed suggestions .  Your dedication and achievements have brought us to this point, and based on your valuable suggestions, we were able to refine our focus and identify the core issues of judicial reform. At today's meeting, we will be focusing on the core issues that have been identified.  Why does judicial reform require focus? Because boosting public confidence in the judicial system requires that we ensure our proposed countermeasures will address the public's needs and perceptions, and are clear and easy to understand. I keep emphasizing that judicial reform must proceed from the perspective of everyday people, and the results of the discussions must be presented in language that is readily understood by the general public. If we don't communicate well with the public about judicial reform, maybe we'll gain a few points as experts, but lose points for our communication skills. That would be a waste of your efforts. And the direction of reform must meet public expectations. There are some key issues that cannot be avoided. First, court proceedings must be transparent, and court decisions  must be written so that ordinary people can read them . Second, we must reform the mechanism for the appointment and replacement of judges and prosecutors. Third, we must create a professional and impartial judicial system. And fourth, we must establish a system by which the public can participate in court trials. With respect to these key points, we hope that the proper agencies will put forward concrete reform proposals. Moreover, there has to be a clear-cut timetable for reform. On the basis of these principles and the results of subcommittee discussions, our staff have designed an overall framework and identified the relevant issues. The most important task at today's meeting is to discuss the resulting documents. These documents will serve as the basis for discussions at the committee's final meeting . Judicial reform is complex and multi-faceted, but we are moving forward one step at a time, and gradually approaching our reform ideal, which is to craft a judicial system that the people can depend on. Once again, I thank everyone in the committee for your hard work and perseverance. Let's get the meeting underway. Thank you!

On the afternoon of March 13, President Lai Ching-te convened a high-level national security meeting, following which he held a press conference. In remarks, President Lai introduced 17 major strategies to respond to five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces: China’s threat to national sovereignty, its threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting Taiwan’s military, its threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan, its threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges, and its threats from using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth. President Lai emphasized that in the face of increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and expressed hope that all citizens unite in solidarity to resist being divided. The president also expressed hope that citizens work together to increase media literacy, organize and participate in civic education activities, promptly expose concerted united front efforts, and refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, he said, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: At many venues recently, a number of citizens have expressed similar concerns to me. They have noticed cases in which members of the military, both active-duty and retired, have been bought out by China, sold intelligence, or even organized armed forces with plans to harm their own nation and its citizens. They have noticed cases in which entertainers willingly followed instructions from Beijing to claim that their country is not a country, all for the sake of personal career interests. They have noticed how messaging used by Chinese state media to stir up internal opposition in Taiwan is always quickly spread by specific channels. There have even been individuals making careers out of helping Chinese state media record united front content, spreading a message that democracy is useless and promoting skepticism toward the United States and the military to sow division and opposition. Many people worry that our country, as well as our hard-won freedom and democracy and the prosperity and progress we achieved together, are being washed away bit by bit due to these united front tactics. In an analysis of China’s united front, renowned strategic scholar Kerry K. Gershaneck expressed that China plans to divide and conquer us through subversion, infiltration, and acquisition of media, and by launching media warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. What they are trying to do is to sow seeds of discord in our society, keep us occupied with internal conflicts, and cause us to ignore the real threat from outside. China’s ambition over the past several decades to annex Taiwan and stamp out the Republic of China has not changed for even a day. It continues to pursue political and military intimidation, and its united front infiltration of Taiwan’s society grows ever more serious. In 2005, China promulgated its so-called “Anti-Secession Law,” which makes using military force to annex Taiwan a national undertaking. Last June, China issued a 22-point set of “guidelines for punishing Taiwan independence separatists,” which regards all those who do not accept that “Taiwan is part of the People’s Republic of China” as targets for punishment, creating excuses to harm the people of Taiwan. China has also recently been distorting United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, showing in all aspects China’s increasingly urgent threat against Taiwan’s sovereignty. Lately, China has been taking advantage of democratic Taiwan’s freedom, diversity, and openness to recruit gangs, the media, commentators, political parties, and even active-duty and retired members of the armed forces and police to carry out actions to divide, destroy, and subvert us from within. A report from the National Security Bureau indicates that 64 persons were charged last year with suspicion of spying for China, which was three times the number of persons charged for the same offense in 2021. Among them, the Unionist Party, Rehabilitation Alliance Party, and Republic of China Taiwan Military Government formed treasonous organizations to deploy armed forces for China. In a democratic and free society, such cases are appalling. But this is something that actually exists within Taiwan’s society today. China also actively plots ways to infiltrate and spy on our military. Last year, 28 active-duty and 15 retired members of the armed forces were charged with suspicion of involvement in spying for China, respectively comprising 43 percent and 23 percent of all of such cases – 66 percent in total. We are also alert to the fact that China has recently used widespread issuance of Chinese passports to entice Taiwanese citizens to apply for the Residence Permit for Taiwan Residents, permanent residency, or the Resident Identity Card, in an attempt to muddle Taiwanese people’s sense of national identity. China also views cross-strait exchanges as a channel for its united front against Taiwan, marking enemies in Taiwan internally, creating internal divisions, and weakening our sense of who the enemy really is. It intends to weaken public authority and create the illusion that China is “governing” Taiwan, thereby expanding its influence within Taiwan. We are also aware that China has continued to expand its strategy of integrated development with Taiwan. It employs various methods to demand and coerce Taiwanese businesses to increase their investments in China, entice Taiwanese youth to develop their careers in China, and unscrupulously seeks to poach Taiwan’s talent and steal key technologies. Such methods impact our economic security and greatly increase the risk of our young people heading to China. By its actions, China already satisfies the definition of a “foreign hostile force” as provided in the Anti-Infiltration Act. We have no choice but to take even more proactive measures, which is my purpose in convening this high-level national security meeting today. It is time we adopt proper preventive measures, enhance our democratic resilience and national security, and protect our cherished free and democratic way of life. Next, I will be giving a detailed account of the five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces and the 17 major strategies we have prepared in response. I. Responding to China’s threats to our national sovereignty We have a nation insofar as we have sovereignty, and we have the Republic of China insofar as we have Taiwan. Just as I said during my inaugural address last May, and in my National Day address last October: The moment when Taiwan’s first democratically elected president took the oath of office in 1996 sent a message to the international community, that Taiwan is a sovereign, independent, democratic nation. Among people here and in the international community, some call this land the Republic of China, some call it Taiwan, and some, the Republic of China Taiwan. The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other, and Taiwan resists any annexation or encroachment upon our sovereignty. The future of the Republic of China Taiwan must be decided by its 23 million people. This is the status quo that we must maintain. The broadest consensus in Taiwanese society is that we must defend our sovereignty, uphold our free and democratic way of life, and resolutely oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (1) I request that the National Security Council (NSC), the Ministry of National Defense (MND), and the administrative team do their utmost to promote the Four Pillars of Peace action plan to demonstrate the people’s broad consensus and firm resolve, consistent across the entirety of our nation, to oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (2) I request that the NSC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs draft an action plan that will, through collaboration with our friends and allies, convey to the world our national will and broad social consensus in opposing annexation of Taiwan by China and in countering China’s efforts to erase Taiwan from the international community and downgrade Taiwan’s sovereignty. II. Responding to China’s threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting our military (1) Comprehensively review and amend our Law of Military Trial to restore the military trial system, allowing military judges to return to the frontline and collaborate with prosecutorial, investigative, and judicial authorities in the handling of criminal cases in which active-duty military personnel are suspected of involvement in such military crimes as sedition, aiding the enemy, leaking confidential information, dereliction of duty, or disobedience. In the future, criminal cases involving active-duty military personnel who are suspected of violating the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces will be tried by a military court. (2) Implement supporting reforms, including the establishment of a personnel management act for military judges and separate organization acts for military courts and military prosecutors’ offices. Once planning and discussion are completed, the MND will fully explain to and communicate with the public to ensure that the restoration of the military trial system gains the trust and full support of society. (3) To deter the various types of controversial rhetoric and behavior exhibited by active-duty as well as retired military personnel that severely damage the morale of our national military, the MND must discuss and propose an addition to the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces on penalties for expressions of loyalty to the enemy as well as revise the regulations for military personnel and their families receiving retirement benefits, so as to uphold military discipline. III. Responding to China’s threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan (1) I request that the Ministry of the Interior (MOI), Mainland Affairs Council (MAC), and other relevant agencies, wherever necessary, carry out inspections and management of the documents involving identification that Taiwanese citizens apply for in China, including: passports, ID cards, permanent residence certificates, and residence certificates, especially when the applicants are military personnel, civil servants, or public school educators, who have an obligation of loyalty to Taiwan. This will be done to strictly prevent and deter united front operations, which are performed by China under the guise of “integrated development,” that attempt to distort our people’s national identity. (2) With respect to naturalization and integration of individuals from China, Hong Kong, and Macau into Taiwanese society, more national security considerations must be taken into account while also attending to Taiwan’s social development and individual rights: Chinese nationals applying for permanent residency in Taiwan must, in accordance with the law of Taiwan, relinquish their existing household registration and passport and may not hold dual identity status. As for the systems in place to process individuals from Hong Kong or Macau applying for residency or permanent residency in Taiwan, there will be additional provisions for long-term residency to meet practical needs. IV. Responding to China’s threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges  (1) There are increasing risks involved with travel to China. (From January 1, 2024 to today, the MAC has received reports of 71 Taiwanese nationals who went missing, were detained, interrogated, or imprisoned in China; the number of unreported people who have been subjected to such treatment may be several times that. Of those, three elderly I-Kuan Tao members were detained in China in December of last year and have not yet been released.) In light of this, relevant agencies must raise public awareness of those risks, continue enhancing public communication, and implement various registration systems to reduce the potential for accidents and the risks associated with traveling to China. (2) Implement a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public officials at all levels of the central and local government. This includes everyone from administrative officials to elected representatives, from legislators to village and neighborhood chiefs, all of whom should make the information related to such exchanges both public and transparent so that they can be accountable to the people. The MOI should also establish a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public welfare organizations, such as religious groups, in order to prevent China’s interference and united front activities at their outset. (3) Manage the risks associated with individuals from China engaging in exchanges with Taiwan: Review and approval of Chinese individuals coming to Taiwan should be limited to normal cross-strait exchanges and official interactions under the principles of parity and dignity, and relevant factors such as changes in the cross-strait situation should be taken into consideration. Strict restrictions should be placed on Chinese individuals who have histories with the united front coming to Taiwan, and Chinese individuals should be prohibited from coming to Taiwan to conduct activities related in any way to the united front. (4) Political interference from China and the resulting risks to national security should be avoided in cross-strait exchanges. This includes the review and management of religious, cultural, academic, and education exchanges, which should in principle be depoliticized and de-risked so as to simplify people-to-people exchanges and promote healthy and orderly exchanges. (5) To deter the united front tactics of a cultural nature employed by Chinese nationals to undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty, the Executive Yuan must formulate a solution to make our local cultural industries more competitive, including enhanced support and incentives for our film, television, and cultural and creative industries to boost their strengths in democratic cultural creation, raise international competitiveness, and encourage research in Taiwan’s own history and culture. (6) Strengthen guidance and management for entertainers developing their careers in China. The competent authorities should provide entertainers with guidelines on conduct while working in China, and make clear the scope of investigation and response to conduct that endangers national dignity. This will help prevent China from pressuring Taiwanese entertainers to make statements or act in ways that endanger national dignity. (7) The relevant authorities must adopt proactive, effective measures to prevent China from engaging in cognitive warfare against Taiwan or endangering cybersecurity through the internet, applications, AI, and other such tools. (8) To implement these measures, each competent authority must run a comprehensive review of the relevant administrative ordinances, measures, and interpretations, and complete the relevant regulations for legal enforcement. Should there be any shortcomings, the legal framework for national security should be strengthened and amendments to the National Security Act, Anti-Infiltration Act, Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, Laws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs, or Cyber Security Management Act should be proposed. Communication with the public should also be increased so that implementation can happen as soon as possible. V. Responding to threats from China using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth (1) I request that the NSC and administrative agencies work together to carry out strategic structural adjustments to the economic and trade relations between Taiwan and China based on the strategies of putting Taiwan first and expanding our global presence while staying rooted in Taiwan. In addition, they should carry out necessary, orderly adjustments to the flow of talent, goods, money, and skills involved in cross-strait economic and trade relations based on the principle of strengthening Taiwan’s foundations to better manage risk. This will help boost economic security and give us more power to respond to China’s economic and trade united front and economic coercion against Taiwan. (2) I request that the Ministry of Education, MAC, Ministry of Economic Affairs, and other relevant agencies work together to comprehensively strengthen young students’ literacy education on China and deepen their understanding of cross-strait exchanges. I also request these agencies to widely publicize mechanisms for employment and entrepreneurship for Taiwan’s youth and provide ample information and assistance so that young students have more confidence in the nation’s future and more actively invest in building up and developing Taiwan. My fellow citizens, this year marks the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War. History tells us that any authoritarian act of aggression or annexation will ultimately end in failure. The only way we can safeguard freedom and prevail against authoritarian aggression is through solidarity. As we face increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and to ensure that the freedom, democracy, and way of life of Taiwan’s 23 million people continues on as normal. But relying solely on the power of the government is not enough. What we need even more is for all citizens to stay vigilant and take action. Every citizen stands on the frontline of the defense of democracy and freedom. Here is what we can do together: First, we can increase our media literacy, and refrain from spreading and passing on united front messaging from the Chinese state. Second, we can organize and participate in civic education activities to increase our knowledge about united front operations and build up whole-of-society defense resilience. Third, we can promptly expose concerted united front efforts so that all malicious attempts are difficult to carry out. Fourth, we must refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. The vigilance and action of every citizen forms the strongest line of defense against united front infiltration. Only through solidarity can we resist being divided. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us.