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2021-10-05
President Tsai publishes article in Foreign Affairs on Taiwan's democracy and positive international role

President Tsai Ing-wen penned an article entitled "Taiwan and the Fight for Democracy—A Force for Good in the Changing International Order" at the invitation of Foreign Affairs magazine, which published the essay in its November/December 2021 issue. In the article, President Tsai shares the Taiwan Model, which is built on our embrace of democracy, emphasizing that despite difficult global circumstances, Taiwan has never shied away from challenges, and stands ready to be a global force for good, with a role on the international stage commensurate with our abilities.

Foreign Affairs, a bimonthly magazine published by the Council on Foreign Relations, is one of the most influential periodicals on international affairs and foreign policy in the United States. It is also well-known as a premier international forum for addressing key global issues through theory, analysis, and argument. Its readers include many US officials and opinion leaders, making Foreign Affairs a must-read in US policy circles and an important source of information for people involved in international relations around the globe, with a far-reaching impact.

The following is President Tsai's article:

Taiwan and the Fight for Democracy: A Force for Good in the Changing International Order

The story of Taiwan is one of resilience—of a country upholding democratic, progressive values while facing a constant challenge to its existence. Our success is a testament to what a determined practitioner of democracy, characterized by good governance and transparency, can achieve.

Yet the story of Taiwan is not only about the maintenance of our own democratic way of life. It is also about the strength and sense of responsibility Taiwan brings to efforts to safeguard the stability of the region and the world. Through hard work and courage, the 23.5 million people of Taiwan have succeeded in making a place for themselves in the international community.

Emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic, authoritarian regimes are more convinced than ever that their model of governance is better adapted than democracy to the requirements of the twenty-first century. This has fueled a contest of ideologies, and Taiwan lies at the intersection of contending systems. Vibrantly democratic and "Western," yet influenced by a "Chinese" civilization and shaped by Asian traditions, Taiwan, by virtue of both its very existence and its continued prosperity, represents at once an affront to the narrative and an impediment to the regional ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party.

Taiwan's refusal to give up, its persistent embrace of democracy, and its commitment to act as a responsible stakeholder (even when its exclusion from international institutions has made that difficult) are now spurring the rest of the world to reassess its value as a liberal democracy on the frontlines of a new clash of ideologies. As countries increasingly recognize the threat that the Chinese Communist Party poses, they should understand the value of working with Taiwan. And they should remember that if Taiwan were to fall, the consequences would be catastrophic for regional peace and the democratic alliance system. It would signal that in today's global contest of values, authoritarianism has the upper hand over democracy.


INDO-PACIFIC FUTURES

The course of the Indo-Pacific, the world's fastest-growing region, will in many ways shape the course of the twenty-first century. Its emergence offers myriad opportunities (in everything from trade and manufacturing to research and education) but also brings new tensions and systemic contradictions that, if not handled wisely, could have devastating effects on international security and the global economy. Chief among the drivers of these tensions is the rise of more assertive and self-assured authoritarianism, which is challenging the liberal democratic order that has defined international relations since the end of World War II.

Beijing has never abandoned its ambitions toward Taiwan. But after years of double-digit investment in the Chinese military, and expansionist behavior across the Taiwan Strait and in surrounding maritime areas, Beijing is replacing its commitment to a peaceful resolution with an increasingly aggressive posture. Since 2020, People's Liberation Army aircraft and vessels have markedly increased their activity in the Taiwan Strait, with almost daily intrusions into Taiwan's southern air defense identification zone, as well as occasional crossings of the tacit median line between the island and the Chinese mainland (which runs along the middle of the strait, from the north- east near Japan's outlying islands to the southwest near Hong Kong).

Despite these worrying developments, the people of Taiwan have made clear to the entire world that democracy is nonnegotiable. Amid almost daily intrusions by the People's Liberation Army, our position on cross-strait relations remains constant: Taiwan will not bend to pressure, but nor will it turn adventurist, even when it accumulates support from the international community. In other words, the maintenance of regional security will remain a significant part of Taiwan's overall government policy. Yet we will also continue to express our openness to dialogue with Beijing, as the current administration has repeatedly done since 2016, as long as this dialogue proceeds in a spirit of equality and without political preconditions. And we are investing significant resources to deepen our understanding of the administration in Beijing—which will reduce the risks of misinterpretation and misjudgment and facilitate more precise decision-making on our cross-strait policies. We look to maintain a clear-eyed understanding of the external environment, both threats and opportunities, in order to ensure that Taiwan is prepared to meet its challenges.

At the same time, Taiwan is fully committed to working with other regional actors to ensure stability. In March, for example, Taiwan and the United States signed a memorandum of understanding on the establishment of a coast guard working group. This working group will improve communication and information sharing between the U.S. and Taiwanese coast guards, while also facilitating greater collaboration on shared objectives, such as preserving maritime resources and reducing illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing. Such an understanding should serve as a springboard for greater collaboration on nonmilitary matters with other partners in the Indo-Pacific.

Taiwan has also launched a series of initiatives to modernize and reorganize its military, in order to be better prepared for both present and future challenges. In addition to investments in traditional platforms such as combat aircraft, Taiwan has made hefty investments in asymmetric capabilities, including mobile land-based anti-ship cruise missiles. We will launch the All-out Defense Mobilization Agency in 2022, a military reform intended to ensure that a well-trained and well-equipped reserve force stands as a more reliable backup for the regular military forces. Such initiatives are meant to maximize Taiwan's self-reliance and preparedness and to signal that we are willing to bear our share of the burden and don't take our security partners' support for granted.  

Taiwan's efforts to contribute to regional security do not end there. We are fully committed to collaborating with our neighbors to prevent armed conflict in the East China and South China Seas, as well as in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan lies along the first island chain, running from Northern Japan to Borneo; should this line be broken by force, the consequences would disrupt international trade and destabilize the entire western Pacific. In other words, a failure to defend Taiwan would not only be catastrophic for the Taiwanese; it would overturn a security architecture that has allowed for peace and extraordinary economic development in the region for seven decades.

Taiwan does not seek military confrontation. It hopes for peaceful, stable, predictable, and mutually beneficial coexistence with its neighbors. But if its democracy and way of life are threatened, Taiwan will do whatever it takes to defend itself.


THE TAIWAN MODEL

Taiwan's history is filled with both hardship and accomplishments, and the authors of this history are the people of Taiwan. Over the past few decades, we have overcome adversity and international isolation to achieve one of modern political history's most successful democratic transitions. The key ingredients of this achievement have been patience, resourcefulness, pragmatism, and a stubborn refusal to give up. Understanding both the delicate balance of power in the region and the need for support, the Taiwanese know that practical collaboration is often better than being loud or adventurous and that a willingness to lend a hand is better than trying to provoke or impose a system on others.

While the people of Taiwan have not always achieved consensus, over time, a collective identity has emerged. Through our interactions with the rest of the world, we have absorbed values that we have made our own, merging them with local traditions to create a liberal, progressive order and a new sense of what it means to be Taiwanese.

At the heart of this identity is our embrace of democracy, reflecting a choice that the Taiwanese made and fought for after decades of authoritarian rule. Once the Taiwanese had made that choice there was no looking back. Imperfect though it may be, democracy has become a nonnegotiable part of who we are. This determination gives Taiwan the resilience to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century and provides a firewall against forces, both internal and external, seeking to undermine its hard-won democratic institutions.

A fundamental part of this embrace of democracy is a firm belief that the future of Taiwan is to be decided by the Taiwanese through democratic means. Although Taiwanese in some ways differ in their sense of what exactly this future should look like, we are united in our commitment to democracy and the values and institutions that allow us to fight back against external efforts to erode our identity and alter the way of life we cherish. The great majority of us regard democracy as the best form of government for Taiwan and are willing to do what is necessary to defend it. Those beliefs are tested every day, but there is no doubt that the people would rise up should the very existence of Taiwan be under threat.

Civil society has always played a major role in Taiwan. During the period of authoritarian rule under the Kuomintang, the Dangwai movement pushed to lift martial law and democratize Taiwan; even after being instrumental in ending martial law, it continued to offer an active and effective check on government power. Today, the extent of Taiwanese civil society's function in governance is unmatched anywhere in the region—a reflection of the trust between elected officials and citizens, who as a result are able to influence policy both through and between elections.

Taiwan's civil society has also proved integral to the island's international standing. Taiwan's exclusion from the United Nations and most other international institutions could have led to isolation, but Taiwan instead tapped into the tremendous creativity and capacity of its people, allowing us to establish global connections by other means—through small businesses, nongovernmental organizations, and various semi-official groupings. Rather than being an impediment, the refusal of many countries to officially recognize Taiwan compelled us to think asymmetrically, combating efforts to negate Taiwan's existence by deepening our engagement with the world through nontraditional channels.

In short, despite decades of isolation, the people of Taiwan have succeeded in making a place for themselves within the international community—and transforming Taiwan itself into an economic powerhouse and one of the most vibrant democracies in the Indo-Pacific.


CHANGING THE RULES

Taiwan's ability to survive and even thrive as a liberal democracy despite the extraordinary challenges to its existence has important implications for the prevailing rules of international relations. Our bid to play a more meaningful role in the international community is evolving in the context of changing regional politics, with more assertive act intended to challenge the liberal international order, backed by the economic and political power to turn those ambitions into action. With increasing awareness of the potential impact of such authoritarian ambitions, more and more countries have been willing to reexamine their long-standing assumptions about, and self-imposed limitations on, engagement with Taiwan.

Through its evolution as an economic powerhouse and a participatory democracy, Taiwan seeks to be—and in many ways already is—part of the solution to emerging challenges with ramifications on a planetary scale, from climate change and new diseases, to proliferation and terrorism, to human trafficking and threats to supply chains. The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that the world is now so interconnected that the outbreak of a disease in one corner of the planet can, within a matter of months, reach pandemic proportions. In many cases, the speed with which new emergencies arise and spread is beyond the ability of states and existing international institutions to respond. To prepare for future emergencies, the international community must move toward inclusiveness rather than rigidly adhering to current structures.

Even as it experienced a flare-up in COVID-19 cases last spring, Taiwan has demonstrated to the world that democratic systems can respond effectively to a pandemic, harnessing the powers of artificial intelligence, big data, and surveillance networks while ensuring that the information gathered is used responsibly. The pandemic has also given Taiwan an opportunity to share its experience with the world and to provide much-needed medical assistance to struggling countries. This is so, despite its long exclusion from global institutions such as the World Health Organization, which has left Taiwan little choice but to develop its own methods of cooperating and communicating with international partners. Being left out of the United Nations and other multilateral institutions has encouraged resilience and spurred novel approaches to dealing with challenges and crises of all kinds.

Despite being kept out in the cold, Taiwan has strived to adhere to international protocols, such as the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, amending its domestic laws and seeking its own formulas for meeting increasingly complex challenges. Taiwan is also working proactively with its partners on the development of its region. In 2016, we launched the New Southbound Policy, which facilitates regional prosperity through trade and investment partnerships, educational and people-to-people exchanges, and technological and medical cooperation with countries in South and Southeast Asia, as well as Australia and New Zealand. Taiwan is also making investments in these partners through its business community, simultaneously fostering secure supply chains and regional development.

Indeed, with its high-tech leadership and educated and globalized workforce, Taiwan is well positioned to help create secure global supply chains in sectors such as semiconductors, biotechnology, and renewable energy—all areas where international cooperation is needed now more than ever. Our semiconductor industry is especially significant: a "silicon shield" that allows Taiwan to protect itself and others from aggressive attempts by authoritarian regimes to disrupt global supply chains. We are working to further strengthen our role in securing global supply chains with a new regional "high-end production hub" initiatives, which will solidify our position in the global supply chain. Besides making computer chips, Taiwan is active in high-precision manufacturing, artificial intelligence, 5G applications, renewable energy, biotechnology, and more, helping create more diverse and global supply chains that can withstand disruption, human or otherwise.

Taiwan derives additional soft power from expertise and capabilities in a variety of other fields, including education, public health, and natural-disaster prevention. And these are fields in which our experts and institutions are taking on a growing regional role. Our universities, for example, are prepared to work with other universities in the region to develop Chinese-language training. Our medical facilities are sharing expertise in medical technology and management with partners around Asia. And we are ready to work with major countries to provide infrastructure investment in developing countries, leveraging efficiency while promoting good governance, transparency, and environmental protection. Similar efforts are being made through an agreement with the United States to enhance cooperation on infrastructure financing, investment, and market development in Latin America and Southeast Asia. In short, Taiwan can be a crucial force in the peaceful development and prosperity of our region and the world.


DEMOCRATIC VALUES

Sitting on the frontlines of the global contest between the liberal democratic order and the authoritarian alternative, Taiwan also has an important part to play in strengthening global democracy. In 2003, we established the region's first nongovernmental organization devoted to democracy assistance and advocacy, the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. Following the models set by the United States' National Endowment for Democracy and the United Kingdom's Westminster Foundation for Democracy, the TFD provides funding for other non- governmental organizations, international and domestic, that advocate democratic development and human rights. It also works to promote public participation in governance through mechanisms such as participatory budgeting and to encourage youth engagement through initiatives such as the annual Asia Young Leaders for Democracy program. In 2019, the TFD organized its inaugural regional forum on religious freedom, and my government appointed its first ambassador-at-large for religious freedom.

Taiwan's strong record on democracy, gender equality, and press and religious freedom has also made it a home for a growing number of global nongovernmental organizations, which have faced an increasingly difficult environment in Asia. Organizations including Reporters Without Borders, the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute, the European Values Center for Security Policy, and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom have set up regional offices in Taiwan. From Taiwan, they are able to continue their important work in the region without the constant threats of surveillance, harassment, and interruptions by authorities. We have also made ourselves hospitable to international institutions interested in establishing a presence in the Indo-Pacific, helping turn Taiwan into a hub for advancing the interests of the democratic community.

Meanwhile, the Global Cooperation and Training Framework—a platform jointly administered by Taiwan, the United States, and other partners that allows us to share our expertise with countries around the world—has fostered creative cooperation on issues such as law enforcement, public health, and good governance. One recent round of GCTF activity, for example, focused on media literacy and how democracies can combat disinformation—an area in which Taiwan has an abundance of experience.

Over the past five years, more than 2,300 experts and officials from more than 87 countries have attended GCTF workshops in Taiwan, and the forum will continue to expand—offering a path to greater collaboration between Taiwan and countries around the world, including the United States. Indeed, Taiwan works closely with the United States on many issues, in the service of regional peace and stability. Our hope is to shoulder more responsibility by being a close political and economic partner of the United States and other like-minded countries.


A FORCE FOR GOOD

The threat posed by authoritarian regimes has served as an important wake-up call for democracies, spurring them to emerge from their complacency. Although extraordinary challenges remain, democracies around the world are now working to safeguard their values and renew their ossified institutions. Alliances are being rekindled to serve the interests of the international community.

Taiwan may be small in terms of territory, but it has proved that it can have a large global presence—and that this presence matters to the world. It has persevered in the face of existential threats and made itself an indispensable actor in the Indo-Pacific. And through it all, the Taiwanese commitment to democracy has never been stronger: the people of Taiwan know that democracy is the lasting path and the only game in town.

Over the past two years, our handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, and our assistance to and collaboration with countries around the world, has offered one more example of the crucial role that Taiwan can play and of why Taiwan matters. Going forward, our high-tech industries, and especially our production of advanced semiconductors, will continue to fuel the global economy. And, Taiwan's ability to balance ties to various countries while defending its democratic way of life will continue to inspire others in the region.

We have never shied away from challenges. Although the world faces an arduous journey ahead, this presents Taiwan with opportunities not seen before. It should increasingly be regarded as part of the solution, particularly as democratic countries seek to find the right balance between the need to engage and trade with authoritarian countries and the need to defend the values and democratic ideals that define their societies. Long left out in the cold, Taiwan is ready to be a global force for good, with a role on the international stage that is commensurate with its abilities.


Tsai Ing-wen is the President of the Republic of China (Taiwan).

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I would also like express my gratitude to the APPU for providing this platform for many years for legislators from around the world to engage in legislative diplomacy, exchanges, and cooperation, promoting prosperity and progress in Asia. The theme of this year’s general assembly encompasses strengthening societal resilience and legislative cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, with a special focus on sustainable economic development, boosting resilience in society, and promoting cooperation on all manner of issues. These not only closely align with Taiwan’s development needs, but are also very important matters in the Asian region currently. The Asia-Pacific has collectively faced various challenges including the SARS outbreak in the 2000s, the COVID-19 pandemic in the 2020s, climate change, and shifting geopolitics. Therefore, it is very important to find ways to build cooperation among different countries through the APPU platform. Taiwan will adopt three initiatives in working together with other countries: First, we will demonstrate determination to safeguard regional peace. There is already a strong consensus in the international community that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are indispensable to security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. Taiwan not only has the responsibility to maintain its own security, but also has a duty to uphold peace and stability in the region. This is why Taiwan has adopted the Four Pillars of Peace action plan, the first pillar being to strengthen national defense. Next year, we will devote over 3 percent of GDP to defense spending, and we aim for defense spending, as it is defined by NATO, to reach at least 5 percent of GDP by 2030. The second pillar is to build economic resilience, helping Taiwanese businesses expand their global presence and international markets from a solid base here in Taiwan. From 2010 to last year, Taiwanese investment in China fell from 83.8 percent to 7 percent of total outbound investment. Our investment targets have now shifted to Japan, the United States, and Europe. Next is to strengthen cooperation with other countries, so as to uphold the spirit of democracy, freedom, and respect for human rights. Shoulder to shoulder, we will demonstrate the strength of deterrence and achieve peace through strength. Lastly, Taiwan is willing, on the condition of parity and dignity, to engage in exchanges and cooperation with China to promote peace and mutual prosperity across the strait. Second, we will boost all manner of cooperation with our diplomatic allies. Last year, I visited our allies Tuvalu, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republic of Palau. I was grateful for the warm welcome of the heads of state and legislatures of these three nations, and also witnessed Taiwan’s close collaboration with our allies in regard to climate change. 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2025-08-27
President Lai meets delegation from Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China
On the afternoon of August 27, President Lai Ching-te met with a delegation from the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC). In remarks, President Lai thanked IPAC for continuing to support Taiwan through concrete actions. President Lai emphasized that Taiwan will continue to bolster its national defense capabilities and deepen collaboration with democratic partners to enhance deterrence. The president expressed hope that IPAC, through its inter-parliamentary network, will be able to bring together even more like-minded partners to stand side by side in protecting democracy, peace, and prosperity in the region and around the world. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: I thank our dear friends from IPAC for visiting and for demonstrating staunch support for democratic Taiwan. In July last year, the largest ever multinational delegation of lawmakers visited Taiwan to attend IPAC’s annual summit in Taipei. The summit adopted an IPAC model resolution on United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 to help Taiwan counter China’s lawfare. Because of IPAC’s principled actions, the national parliaments of countries including the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and the Czech Republic, as well as the European Parliament, have passed Taiwan-friendly resolutions or motions. The executive branches of numerous countries have also openly expressed support for Taiwan. We look forward to seeing even more countries join this effort. I also want to thank IPAC for continuing to support Taiwan through concrete actions this year. It expressed concern over China’s military exercises around Taiwan this April and condemned China for planning a collision with then-Vice President-elect Bi-khim Hsiao’s car during her visit to the Czech Republic last March. IPAC also arranged events to engage with Taiwan’s high-level delegation during the Copenhagen Democracy Summit held in Denmark.  In recent years, China has continued its political and military intimidation against Taiwan and neighboring countries. These actions have severely disrupted regional peace and stability. And as China, Russia, and other authoritarian regimes continue to converge, democracies must foster more comprehensive cooperation so as to safeguard peace, freedom, and democracy. Moving ahead, Taiwan will continue to bolster its national defense capabilities and deepen collaboration with democratic partners to enhance deterrence. Our defense spending, as defined by NATO, will reach 3.32 percent of GDP in 2026. And our goal is to increase that number to five percent of GDP by 2030. This will help Taiwan enhance its self-defense capabilities and further contribute to the maintenance of regional peace and stability. Taiwan will also work alongside other democracies in such fields as energy, AI, and high tech to build more resilient industrial structures and democratic supply chains, demonstrating greater unity, spurring greater economic prosperity, and further consolidating our democracy. Looking ahead, I hope that IPAC, through its inter-parliamentary network, will be able to bring together even more like-minded partners to stand side by side in protecting democracy, peace, and prosperity in the region and around the world. IPAC Co-founder and Member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom Iain Duncan Smith then delivered remarks, first thanking President Lai for taking the time to meet with them. He said that their visit here the last few days has been incredibly helpful to chart the course for IPAC over the next year. MP Smith said that IPAC will be holding a much bigger meeting in Belgium in November to discuss the rising challenge we face today. We see this challenge manifested in Ukraine, he pointed out, with Russia’s brutal invasion of that country, and the coming together of a threatening group of authoritarian states such as Iran, North Korea, and China, to support Russia in that endeavor. He said that this obviously has an impact on a variety of different areas, and particularly, what is happening there has an impact on the treatment of Taiwan in the future. What they wish, he underlined, is to draw the attention of all the governments that are part of IPAC to this issue and to stop authoritarian states from doing something similar here. MP Smith said that IPAC now has members from various parties in the parliaments of 53 countries who, whether on the left or right, cooperate together against the threat of the autocracy in China. They wish, he said, to bring together all of the freedom-loving states of the world to recognize the threat that is now posed to our democracies and freedoms, and to group together to protect those here in Taiwan.  The delegation also included former Foreign Minister of Poland Anna Fotyga, Member of the Swedish Riksdag (parliament) Magnus Berntsson, and IPAC Co-founder and Executive Director Luke de Pulford.
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2025-08-01
President Lai delivers remarks on US reciprocal tariff policy response
On the morning of August 1, President Lai Ching-te delivered remarks at the Presidential Office on the response to the reciprocal tariff policy of the United States. President Lai explained that technical consultations with the US are finished, but as the final concluding meeting has not yet taken place, 20 percent has been set for Taiwan as an interim tariff rate. The president said that Taiwan will work towards a more favorable and reasonable rate in the subsequent negotiations, and that the US has expressed its willingness to continue talks. He added that a support plan for Taiwan’s export supply chain in response to US tariffs has been proposed to assist small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in responding to the US tariff policy. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: Earlier today, the US government informed our lead negotiator, Vice Premier Cheng Li-chiun (鄭麗君), that an interim tariff rate for Taiwan has been set at 20 percent. Since April 2, when the US introduced its new tariff policy targeting countries worldwide, Taiwan has actively engaged in four in-person rounds of negotiation and multiple discussions over videoconference with the US government. Throughout the process, both sides have negotiated in good faith based on the shared goal of addressing the trade deficit between Taiwan and the US and creating complementary and mutually beneficial outcomes. Although we have achieved an interim reduction in the tariff rate from 32 percent to 20 percent at this point in the negotiations, 20 percent was never our goal. We hope to work towards a more favorable and reasonable rate for Taiwan in the subsequent negotiations, and the US has expressed its willingness to continue talks. We have finished technical consultations, but as the final concluding meeting has not yet taken place, a final tariff rate has not yet been reached. This is the reason for the setting of an interim tariff rate. I extend my sincere gratitude to Vice Premier Cheng and Minister without Portfolio of the Executive Yuan Yang Jen-ni (楊珍妮) for working tirelessly over the past few months leading the negotiation team, remaining on call whether in Taiwan or the US. From here in Taiwan I, along with Vice President Bi-khim Hsiao, National Security Council Secretary-General Joseph Wu (吳釗燮), Premier Cho Jung-tai (卓榮泰), and Secretary-General Pan Men-an (潘孟安), have also provided full support to our negotiating team in the US. Regardless of the final tariff rate, Taiwan’s industries will inevitably be impacted. I am deeply grateful to Premier Cho for proposing on April 4 a support plan for Taiwan’s export supply chain in response to US tariffs, and for holding over 20 industry consultation sessions. The special budget has also been increased from NT$88 billion to NT$93 billion. This special act has already been submitted to the Legislative Yuan and passed review. I hope that the Executive Yuan will promptly submit the budget request for legislative review so that the special budget can be implemented as soon as possible to assist SMEs in responding to this new US tariff policy.
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