Office of the President Republic of China(Taiwan)

On the morning of February 28, President Lai Ching-te attended the nation’s main memorial ceremony marking the 78th anniversary of the 228 Incident. President Lai again offered an apology on behalf of the nation and stated that the government will accelerate its work to make political archives available for public access and to clarify the facts of history; proceed further with implementing transitional justice and strive for social reconciliation; and prevent a recurrence of any historical tragedy similar to the 228 Incident. President Lai emphasized that only a nation ruled by the people is capable of preventing the state apparatus from repeatedly causing harm to the people. The president stated that he will bring Taiwan together for greater solidarity, regardless of ethnicity and irrespective of when we arrived, and that so long as we identify with Taiwan, Taiwan belongs to us all. He expressed hope that everyone can work together. He also expressed hope that our determination to defend national sovereignty and safeguard the free and democratic constitutional system will remain unchanged; and that our resolve to ensure that the people can live and work in peace and happiness, resist aggression and annexation, and prevent a recurrence of such historical tragedies as the 228 Incident will remain unchanged. A translation of the president’s remarks follows: Today is the first time for me to attend the nation’s main memorial ceremony marking the anniversary of the 228 Incident in my capacity as president, so I want to start by again offering an apology on behalf of the nation. I want to convey my respect to all of the oppressed persons who courageously faced the authoritarianism of that earlier time, and express my grief for the victims who lost their lives. To those who escaped death and are still with us, I offer my sympathy. And to all the family members I extend my condolences. My heart is always with you. It has been 78 years since the 228 Incident. The survivors are seeing their numbers dwindle due to the ravages of time. The highly respected Mr. Lin Tsai-shou (林才壽), who was the founding chairperson of the Changhua County 228 Incident Care Association and who spent his remaining years fighting for transitional justice, recently passed away. Each time a victim of the 228 Incident passes away, it is very hard for us to say goodbye. Being here today, I hope that as each victim leaves us, they leave behind the struggles of this world and find peace in a better place. The 228 Incident was not sparked by ethnic conflict, and in holding this memorial, we are not stirring up ethnic conflict. Those who describe the entire 228 Incident as a matter of ethnic conflict demonstrate no ability for self-criticism, an utter lack of remorse, and no awareness of their own responsibility. That is not right. The 228 Incident occurred because Taiwanese society at that time was already beginning to enjoy the benefits of modern civilization. Whether at night or during the day, people did not have to close their doors. The main mode of transportation at that time, bicycles, did not need to be locked. People raised chickens and ducks in cages right outside their homes and never worried about them getting stolen. That is what Taiwanese society was like back then. But the troops that came over from the mainland had been through many years of war, including the Northern Expedition, the war of resistance against Japan, and the civil war against the Communist Party. It is impossible that their living standards could have been comparable to what we had in Taiwan. The theft, robbery, and destruction that they engaged in, and the general disparity in their level of civilization, generated widespread outrage as well as backlash. Troops under Chen Yi (陳儀) were poorly disciplined. And as the dictator Chiang Kai-shek was being steadily forced to retreat from the mainland, he committed heinous crimes to ensure that he would be able to establish rule in Taiwan. Countless numbers of innocent people were arrested, imprisoned, beaten, or killed. Families were torn apart, and many people fled overseas. Taiwan lost a generation of its elite, which had an immeasurable impact on Taiwanese society. The 228 Incident was long a taboo subject in Taiwanese society. For decades the Taiwanese people dared not speak of it because, living in an oppressive political climate, no one had the courage to speak their mind. It was only after the Taiwanese fought together in solidarity and achieved democracy that the government began to offer apologies, provide compensation, restore people’s reputations, set up monuments, and established a holiday for remembrance. The government eventually established a 228 Memorial Foundation, and now holds an annual ceremony to mark the anniversary of the incident. We wish to recognize everyone who has participated in and contributed to transitional justice for the 228 Incident. Considerable progress has been achieved on this front, but as 228 Memorial Foundation Chairman Hsueh Hua-yuan (薛化元) has noted, some in Taiwan wonder why we always speak of the victims but not the perpetrators. Some also ask why we are not exactly sure what happened to some of the victims. With such uncertainties, they say, the process of transitional justice offers little comfort to the victims or their families, and there is no true social reconciliation. Looking to the future, I myself, Premier Cho Jung-tai (卓榮泰), and the relevant Executive Yuan agencies should coordinate with the 228 Memorial Foundation. Over the past few years, people in all walks of life have continued advancing the cause of transitional justice. Especially as it applies to information regarding the perpetrators, we need to enable our society to fully know the facts. On this basis, let us strive together for social reconciliation so that we can all work together in solidarity. However, we also know that tracking down the facts of history is not easy. For instance, the murders at the Lin I-hsiung (林義雄) residence, which happened on February 28, 1980, remain unsolved to this day. But investigations and research reports that have come out in recent years have not been able to rule out the possibility of the state’s involvement. However, it has at least been proven that Taiwan’s intelligence apparatus obstructed investigations into the case and even destroyed key evidence. The government cannot claim it bears absolutely no responsibility for the murders at the Lin I-hsiung (林義雄) residence. So today, on behalf of the government, I apologize to the Lin family. Moving forward, I will continue leading the government in addressing the 228 Incident on several fronts. First, we will accelerate our work to make political archives available for public access and to clarify the facts of history: Last year I instructed the National Security Bureau to manually inspect roughly one million records at the bureau pertaining to the period of martial law, and to conduct an inventory to determine which of those records qualify as political archives. This inventory process is scheduled for completion by May. The results of the inventory will be reported by June to the National Archives Administration, National Development Council for approval. The political archives will then be made available for public access, and anyone will be able to use them to ascertain the facts of history. Second, the government will proceed further with implementing transitional justice: With regard to the physical locations where human rights abuses took place during the period of authoritarian rule, the Ministry of Culture has launched deliberation procedures to discuss the preservation of “locations of significance to transitional justice.” This includes the site where members of the Lin I-hsiung (林義雄)  family were murdered – the present Gikong Presbyterian Church, which is a historical site of authoritarian-era human rights violations. I will ask our Ministry of Culture to launch a deliberation procedure to discuss the classification of Gikong Presbyterian Church as a “location of significance to transitional justice” and the provision of a commensurate level of preservation and maintenance. I hope that future generations in Taiwan will be able to visit historic sites and reflect upon how authoritarian rule undermines human rights and freedom. I also hope that, by working together, we can more deeply entrench our democracy. And third, we intend to prevent a recurrence of any historical tragedy similar to the 228 Incident: Each year’s ceremony to mark the anniversary of the 228 Incident is not simply about memorializing the victims, consoling their family members, and healing old wounds. These ceremonies are intended to take history as a lesson so as to ensure that history will not be repeated. We are all well aware that we have a nation insofar as we have sovereignty; we have a democracy insofar as we have a nation; we have rule by the people insofar as we have democracy; and only a nation ruled by the people is capable of preventing the state apparatus from repeatedly causing harm to the people. We are also well aware that China has not renounced the possibility of using military force to annex Taiwan. The greatest threat to Taiwan’s sovereignty, to Taiwan’s democracy, and to rule by the people of Taiwan, comes from China. In recent years, China has not renounced the possibility of using military force to annex Taiwan; it has stepped up its political and military intimidation. It has taken advantage of Taiwan’s democracy, freedom, diversity, and openness to influence citizens, organized crime rings, on-air political commentators, political parties, and even current and retired members of the armed forces and police, seeking to draw them into its united front for infiltration and division and thus undermine Taiwan. A report from the National Security Bureau indicates that 64 persons were charged last year with suspicion of spying for China, which was four times the number of persons charged for the same offense in 2021. It is thus clear that Taiwan faces a very serious challenge. It is my mission as president to bring Taiwan together for greater solidarity, and this must be done regardless of ethnicity and irrespective of when we arrived. So long as we identify with Taiwan, Taiwan belongs to us all. I will bring Taiwan together. I hope that our determination to defend our national sovereignty and safeguard our free and democratic constitutional system will remain unchanged. And our resolve to ensure that the people can live and work in peace and happiness, resist aggression and annexation, and prevent a recurrence of such historical tragedies as the 228 Incident remains unchanged. Let us all work together toward that end.

On the morning of February 28, in Chiayi County, President Tsai Ing-wen attended the nation's main memorial ceremony marking the 77th anniversary of the 228 Incident. The president offered a floral wreath in memory of the victims, and stated that over the past eight years the government has worked systematically to advance work in transitional justice, pointing out that it has completed four fact-finding investigation reports to restore historical truths and has helped victims to restore their reputations and receive compensation. She said that nearly 2,000 applications for compensation have been accepted for processing, and the government has already paid out a total of more than NT$4 billion in compensation. The government's effort last year to pass an amendment to the Political Archives Act saw support from both the ruling and opposition parties, she said, and that amendment enters into force today. The president emphasized that transitional justice is not intended to be directed at any particular political party. Rather, she said, it is that the government in a democratic system must take responsibility for illegal acts committed by the state during an earlier period of authoritarian rule and make amends for past harms. She said that honestly facing up to our history is the only way Taiwan's democratic institutions can become more deeply rooted and continue to evolve. Emphasizing that there is no shortcut to transitional justice, and that scars in the memory do not easily fade, the president said that our generation must take concrete action to find ways to peacefully coexist with history and build an even more open society. She said that to face the past, we must not forget the past, much less fear to remember it; and to face the future, we must continue to deepen our discussions as we pursue a more democratic, sustainable social community. A translation of the president's remarks follows: The February 28 Incident filled the people of Taiwan with a desire for democracy and freedom, but authoritarianism and heavy-handed rule stymied the seeds of democracy and ushered in the White Terror era. This difficult period of the past left a scar on Taiwan's history. To help this scar to heal, we must first understand the nature of the wound. Until we honestly face facts and listen to one other, we cannot close our wounds and reach the genuine reconciliation that ends our history being a cause of division in Taiwan. Once we do this, the people of Taiwan will be better able to join together in defense of democracy and move forward together. Over the past eight years, we have worked systematically to advance work in transitional justice. In the area of legislative action, we began with reinforcing the foundation for transitional justice by amending the Act Governing the Settlement of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations, the Act on Promoting Transitional Justice, the Organizational Act of the National Human Rights Museum, the Political Archives Act, and the Act to Restore Victim's Rights Infringed by Illegal Acts of the State During the Period of Authoritarian Rule. We have also established specialized organizations and mechanisms that form the engine moving our transitional justice project forward. Now that the Transitional Justice Commission has completed its mission, the Executive Yuan is coordinating the efforts of six central government agencies that have taken over the task of implementing transitional justice work. Building on this foundation, our government has completed four fact-finding investigation reports to restore historical truths, and we have amended legislation to improve the handling of political archives and ill-gotten assets in the possession of political parties. From the ill-gotten party assets that have been appropriated by the state, a special fund has been established to support public welfare and transitional justice-related work. We have also helped victims restore their reputations and receive compensation. Nearly 2,000 applications for compensation have been accepted for processing by the Restoration of Victim's Rights Infringed by Illegal Acts of the State During the Period of Authoritarian Rule Foundation since it was established over a year ago. Last year, for the first time ever, our government returned property to a victim from whom it had been illegally confiscated by the state during the period of authoritarian rule. In total, the government has already paid out more than NT$4 billion in compensation. Transitional justice is not intended to be directed at any particular political party. Rather, it is that the government in a democratic system must take responsibility for illegal acts committed by the state during an earlier period of authoritarian rule and make amends for past harms. Honestly facing up to our history is the only way Taiwan's democratic institutions can become more deeply rooted and continue to evolve. After years of hard work, the 228 Memorial Foundation has identified 2,340 victims of the 228 Incident, and has additionally identified more than 4,000 possible victims. In a short while, acting on behalf of the government, I will be awarding "certificates of restored reputation" to the family members of several victims of the 228 Incident. Two of these individuals had originally been classified as "possible victims," but after historical archives were made available for public access it was confirmed that they had indeed been victims. Our experience in this case showed us that there remain more historical truths for the government to help bring to light. This is why the government saw support from both the ruling and opposition parties last year when it worked to pass an amendment to the Political Archives Act. That amendment did pass, and it enters into force today. Political archives provide many important pieces in the puzzle of our historical past, so I would like to ask our national security officials to adopt an open-minded attitude. I would like for them to declassify more political archives and make them publicly accessible to the greatest possible extent. Our transitional justice work encompasses truth, justice, reparation, memorialization, and, most importantly, guarantees of non-recurrence. These are the five internationally recognized pillars of transitional justice. We have also seen different sectors of Taiwanese society contribute to transitional justice, each in its own way. In Search of a Mixed Identity, a film about a victim of the 228 Incident, will premiere next month, and the Gongsheng Music Festival, which is held annually to commemorate the incident, marked its 12th year in 2024. I want to thank the many civil society organizations and young people who have worked so long and hard to further the cause of transitional justice. You have given of yourselves for the nation, providing fresh tinder to keep the torch of democracy alight and keep it glowing ever stronger. I must also thank the Executive Yuan, the Transitional Justice Commission, the Ill-Gotten Party Assets Settlement Committee, and the various central government agencies and civil society organizations that have accompanied us on this undertaking every step of the way. Together we have worked on behalf of those who suffered the indignities of the 228 Incident and the White Terror era so that they can put the darkness behind them. But I know full well that our efforts pale in comparison to what the victims and their family members have been through. There is no shortcut to transitional justice, and scars in the memory do not easily fade. Our generation must take concrete action to find ways to peacefully coexist with history and build an even more open society.  I have spoken with the Executive Yuan about the three points that Chiang Jung-sen (江榮森) just raised. As a matter of fact, these three points are related to issues the Executive Yuan is actively addressing right now, and I am confident that the Executive Yuan will come forward with public statements at the proper times. These matters are all part of the government's work, and we will continue doing our best to address them. To face the past, we must not forget the past, much less fear to remember it. To face the future, we must continue to deepen our discussions as we pursue a more democratic, sustainable social community.

On September 10, President Tsai Ing-wen presided over the 16th meeting of the Presidential Office Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee as committee convener, with Vice President Lai Ching-te attending as deputy convener. In her opening remarks, President Tsai noted that this committee was established at the Presidential Office both to address current issues through direct dialogue and to continue our efforts to restore historical truth and promote ethnic reconciliation. As an example of these efforts, President Tsai visited Wufeng Township, Hsinchu County this past April to witness a Sbalay reconciliation ceremony between the Atayal indigenous communities of the Skaru watershed, the Forestry Bureau, and Shei-Pa National Park Headquarters. The meeting's first report was on this reconciliation ceremony, and included presentations by Veterans Affairs Council Deputy Minister Lee Wen-chung (李文忠), Forestry Bureau Director General Lin Hwa-ching (林華慶), Shei-Pa National Park Headquarters Director Chang Wei-chuan (張維銓), representative of the Skaru watershed tribal communities Laling Yumin, and Council of Indigenous Peoples Minister Icyang Parod. President Tsai thanked the government agencies and indigenous peoples who participated in the reconciliation process and gave presentations, and expressed hope that this case involving the Skaru watershed tribal communities will become an important precedent. In his capacity as chair of the Subcommittee on Reconciliation, Vice Minister of Culture Lee Lien-chuan (李連權) delivered the meeting's second report, which was on the results of the exhibition organized by the Ministry of Culture this past August to mark Indigenous Peoples' Day. The exhibition was titled "ita/kita," which mean "us" in many of Taiwan's indigenous languages. Minister Icyang Parod, as executive secretary of the committee, then explained that Committee Deputy Convener Alang Manglavan and the committee members had reached a consensus to put 38 member proposals on the meeting agenda. After reviewing each of these proposals, it was suggested that one proposal involving self-government laws be handled at a dedicated meeting, and that the other 37 proposals be referred by the Executive Yuan to the relevant agencies for further consideration and responses. Vice President Lai, presiding in lieu of President Tsai, then delivered concluding remarks to the committee members. In his remarks, Vice President Lai said he was moved by the report on the Sbalay reconciliation ceremony, and expressed his belief that the ceremony will not only help resolve similar issues involving Taiwan's indigenous peoples, as President Tsai said, but that it has further significance, in that indigenous peoples were the earliest inhabitants of this land and accepted and welcomed those who arrived later. The vice president added that, given its size, Taiwan would be a more harmonious place if people throughout this land could display the spirit and open-mindedness of the Sbalay ceremony, and emphasized that Taiwan belongs to all its 23 million people, regardless of when they arrived. Noting that President Tsai's apology to indigenous peoples included the Pingpu peoples, Vice President Lai pointed out that the Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee set up by the Presidential Office has also invited Pingpu people to attend its meetings, and stated the need to actively research a way to rectify the name "Pingpu." Also in attendance at the meeting were Deputy Secretary-General to the President Li Chun-yi (李俊俋) in his capacity as deputy executive secretary of the committee, Minister without Portfolio Lin Wan-i (林萬億), Minister of Culture Lee Yung-te (李永得), and 27 committee members participating via video from Taipei, Hualien, Taitung, and Kaohsiung.

Committee Convener President Tsai Ing-wen presided over the 10th meeting of the Presidential Office Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee (the Committee) on June 18. The meeting ran for approximately two and a half hours. At the meeting, the Subcommittee on Culture and the Subcommittee on Reconciliation presented progress reports on their work, and the Committee discussed proposals regarding "traditional indigenous place names" and "categorization and public access for Committee documents." Agilasay Pakawyan (林志興), the convener of the Subcommittee on Culture, delivered a presentation entitled "The Justice of Giving Back My Name: How the Policy of Assimilation Undermined Indigenous Naming Customs and Kinship Systems." Afterward, Deputy Minister of the Interior Chen Tsung-yen (陳宗彥) and Council of Indigenous Peoples Minister Icyang Parod (夷將‧拔路兒) commented on the presentation and exchanged views with Committee members. President Tsai then expressed the following three views: First, the president thanked the Subcommittee on Culture for its report, which she said clearly showed both past and present challenges that traditional indigenous naming customs have faced. Second, the report clearly shows that when the government amended the Name Act to safeguard the right of indigenous peoples to restore their indigenous names, it was not granting them "extra privilege." Rather, the government was returning a right that had previously been wrongfully stripped from them. This is historical justice in action. Third, it is apparent from the percentage of indigenous peoples who have resumed the use of their indigenous names that our related legislation and policies need to be more detailed and thoughtful. Taiwanese society as a whole still has more to learn about traditional indigenous names as well. The Council of Indigenous Peoples, the Ministry of the Interior, and all sectors of society need to continue working on this front. The president also called on the Ministry of the Interior to resolve difficulties surrounding the romanization of indigenous languages. The progress report by the Subcommittee on Reconciliation was presented by its convener, Bavaragh Dagalomai (謝若蘭), who described the Subcommittee's experiences with the collection of information on reconciliation customs among Taiwan's various ethnic groups, the comparison of findings with indigenous transitional justice cases overseas, and the use of societal communication to spur broad-ranging dialogue. After exchanging views with Committee members, President Tsai expressed the following two viewpoints: First, the president thanked the Subcommittee on Reconciliation for its hard work. In the video they had just watched, one particular statement made a deep impression on the president: "This is a trip in which we move from the 2% of society comprised by indigenous peoples toward the other 98% of society." The president pointed out that if we want the social engineering programs of historical justice and transitional justice to move forward and continue on, we indeed need to engage in more communication and dialogue. Second, President Tsai pointed out that the Subcommittee on Reconciliation's experience is a model for how to promote transitional justice for all ethnic groups. In addition to praising the Subcommittee for its efforts and encouraging it to keep up the good work, the president also urged Committee members and government officials to consider the Subcommittee's experience and act in the spirit of "ethnic mainstreaming" by working to spur better understanding and increased interaction among different ethnic groups. During the meeting, Committee members made a total of 22 proposals and four extemporaneous motions. One proposal came from Committee member and Truku tribe representative Teyra Yudaw (帖喇‧尤道), requesting the restoration of indigenous names for townships, villages, and roadways. Shu-ya Lin (林淑雅), an academic expert on the Committee, put forward another proposal that the National Archives Administration should be instructed to categorize the documents of the Committee's thematic subcommittees and make them available for public access. After Deputy Minister of the Interior Chen Tsung-yen and Council of Indigenous Peoples Minister Icyang Parod explained the current status of legislation and policies regarding traditional place names, President Tsai concluded by instructing as follows: Under existing legislation, we do indeed have room to resume the use of traditional indigenous place names. The government will certainly support any such decision, so long as it complies with the law and enjoys consensus support among local residents of all ethnicities. After National Archives Administration Director-General Lin Chiu-yen (林秋燕) commented on the proposal regarding the management of archival records, President Tsai instructed as follows: The Committee's staff, subcommittees, and the National Archives Administration should discuss and come up with a concrete proposal together. In addition, a number of Committee members at this meeting focused their attention on the progress of efforts to amend the Mining Act and the Status Act for Indigenous Peoples. President Tsai made the following three statements: First, she said she had indeed pledged to complete amendments to the Mining Act and the Status Act for Indigenous Peoples. She asked Committee members to rest assured that her commitment remains unchanged. Second, deliberations for both amendment bills by Legislative Yuan committees have already been completed, and negotiations have narrowed the gaps between opposing positions. The president said she respects the views of the ruling and opposition party caucuses, and continues to closely follow developments. And third, the president understands that each Committee member hopes the amendments will be passed as soon as possible. However, the Legislative Yuan has recently called a special session and already has many bills on the agenda, so the legislators have a tough task ahead of them. The president said she will inquire into the possibility of these two amendments being put on the legislative agenda for the special session. If that isn't possible, then she hopes that the party caucuses can work during their next and final legislative session to complete amendments and make good on the government's pledges to the indigenous peoples.

President Tsai Ing-wen presided over the 10th meeting of the Presidential Office Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee on the afternoon of June 18. She said that there are a number of goals we should be working to achieve: restoring the use of indigenous names, initiating more dialogue, helping Taiwanese society better understand indigenous cultures, and gradually making the concepts of indigenous historical justice and transitional justice a part of the DNA of Taiwanese democracy. The following is a translation of President Tsai's remarks: Today is the 10th meeting of the Presidential Office Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee. Over the past three years, we have established the Committee's dialogue mechanism from the ground up, and have gradually begun discussing and addressing difficult issues. However, I must also acknowledge that, despite our efforts, we have not yet been able to change the perspectives of every single person in our society. As we promote our land policies, some citizens still don't understand what we are referring to when we speak of indigenous land rights. And when we promote policies on language, culture, and education, some people ask what right the indigenous peoples have to receive special benefits in these areas. Three years ago, I said that the first concept we need to change is "to see what was unfair in the past as a matter of course." Now, three years later, we need to work even harder precisely because we have not yet completely eliminated these misunderstandings and biases. On the one hand, just last month the Legislative Yuan amended the Education Act for Indigenous Peoples. We are going to expand indigenous education to the entire populace to encourage mutual understanding and respect among Taiwan's different ethnic groups. At the same time, our Committee should be working to reveal historical truths, restore the historical viewpoints of our indigenous peoples, and initiate further meaningful social dialogue. The Committee's Subcommittee on Reconciliation is going to present a progress report on its work today. Over the past two years, under the leadership of convener Bavaragh Dagalomai (謝若蘭), the Subcommittee on Reconciliation has held 120 lectures around the country and used Facebook to create more possibilities for communication and understanding among different ethnic groups. Indeed, loudly voicing previously suppressed views is a concrete demonstration of historical justice and transitional justice. To resurrect long-lost names is another way to make justice a reality. For today's meeting we have also arranged for the Subcommittee on Culture to present a report on "The Justice of Giving Back My Name." The subcommittee's convener Agilasay Pakawyan (林志興) is going to speak to us about how the past policy of assimilation undermined the indigenous peoples' naming customs and kinship systems. A proposal to resurrect indigenous place names is among the items on the agenda for discussion today. Whether it be the names of individual indigenous persons, or place names that hold the shared memories of an entire people, the government has related legislation and policies in place that can help indigenous peoples restore their traditional names. In just a little while, the Ministry of the Interior and the Council of Indigenous Peoples will go into more detail on this, and I hope Committee members will provide their views on any areas where our policies fall short. There are a number of goals we should be working to achieve: restoring the use of indigenous names, initiating more dialogue, helping Taiwanese society better understand indigenous cultures, and gradually making the concepts of indigenous historical justice and transitional justice a part of the DNA of Taiwanese democracy. So let's keep working together to achieve these goals. We will now begin today's meeting. Thank you. After completing her remarks, the president listened to a special report from the Subcommittee on Culture, received a progress report from the Subcommittee on Reconciliation, and exchanged views with Committee members on the resurrection of indigenous place names and other related proposals.

On the afternoon of March 13, President Lai Ching-te convened a high-level national security meeting, following which he held a press conference. In remarks, President Lai introduced 17 major strategies to respond to five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces: China’s threat to national sovereignty, its threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting Taiwan’s military, its threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan, its threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges, and its threats from using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth. President Lai emphasized that in the face of increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and expressed hope that all citizens unite in solidarity to resist being divided. The president also expressed hope that citizens work together to increase media literacy, organize and participate in civic education activities, promptly expose concerted united front efforts, and refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, he said, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: At many venues recently, a number of citizens have expressed similar concerns to me. They have noticed cases in which members of the military, both active-duty and retired, have been bought out by China, sold intelligence, or even organized armed forces with plans to harm their own nation and its citizens. They have noticed cases in which entertainers willingly followed instructions from Beijing to claim that their country is not a country, all for the sake of personal career interests. They have noticed how messaging used by Chinese state media to stir up internal opposition in Taiwan is always quickly spread by specific channels. There have even been individuals making careers out of helping Chinese state media record united front content, spreading a message that democracy is useless and promoting skepticism toward the United States and the military to sow division and opposition. Many people worry that our country, as well as our hard-won freedom and democracy and the prosperity and progress we achieved together, are being washed away bit by bit due to these united front tactics. In an analysis of China’s united front, renowned strategic scholar Kerry K. Gershaneck expressed that China plans to divide and conquer us through subversion, infiltration, and acquisition of media, and by launching media warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. What they are trying to do is to sow seeds of discord in our society, keep us occupied with internal conflicts, and cause us to ignore the real threat from outside. China’s ambition over the past several decades to annex Taiwan and stamp out the Republic of China has not changed for even a day. It continues to pursue political and military intimidation, and its united front infiltration of Taiwan’s society grows ever more serious. In 2005, China promulgated its so-called “Anti-Secession Law,” which makes using military force to annex Taiwan a national undertaking. Last June, China issued a 22-point set of “guidelines for punishing Taiwan independence separatists,” which regards all those who do not accept that “Taiwan is part of the People’s Republic of China” as targets for punishment, creating excuses to harm the people of Taiwan. China has also recently been distorting United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, showing in all aspects China’s increasingly urgent threat against Taiwan’s sovereignty. Lately, China has been taking advantage of democratic Taiwan’s freedom, diversity, and openness to recruit gangs, the media, commentators, political parties, and even active-duty and retired members of the armed forces and police to carry out actions to divide, destroy, and subvert us from within. A report from the National Security Bureau indicates that 64 persons were charged last year with suspicion of spying for China, which was three times the number of persons charged for the same offense in 2021. Among them, the Unionist Party, Rehabilitation Alliance Party, and Republic of China Taiwan Military Government formed treasonous organizations to deploy armed forces for China. In a democratic and free society, such cases are appalling. But this is something that actually exists within Taiwan’s society today. China also actively plots ways to infiltrate and spy on our military. Last year, 28 active-duty and 15 retired members of the armed forces were charged with suspicion of involvement in spying for China, respectively comprising 43 percent and 23 percent of all of such cases – 66 percent in total. We are also alert to the fact that China has recently used widespread issuance of Chinese passports to entice Taiwanese citizens to apply for the Residence Permit for Taiwan Residents, permanent residency, or the Resident Identity Card, in an attempt to muddle Taiwanese people’s sense of national identity. China also views cross-strait exchanges as a channel for its united front against Taiwan, marking enemies in Taiwan internally, creating internal divisions, and weakening our sense of who the enemy really is. It intends to weaken public authority and create the illusion that China is “governing” Taiwan, thereby expanding its influence within Taiwan. We are also aware that China has continued to expand its strategy of integrated development with Taiwan. It employs various methods to demand and coerce Taiwanese businesses to increase their investments in China, entice Taiwanese youth to develop their careers in China, and unscrupulously seeks to poach Taiwan’s talent and steal key technologies. Such methods impact our economic security and greatly increase the risk of our young people heading to China. By its actions, China already satisfies the definition of a “foreign hostile force” as provided in the Anti-Infiltration Act. We have no choice but to take even more proactive measures, which is my purpose in convening this high-level national security meeting today. It is time we adopt proper preventive measures, enhance our democratic resilience and national security, and protect our cherished free and democratic way of life. Next, I will be giving a detailed account of the five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces and the 17 major strategies we have prepared in response. I. Responding to China’s threats to our national sovereignty We have a nation insofar as we have sovereignty, and we have the Republic of China insofar as we have Taiwan. Just as I said during my inaugural address last May, and in my National Day address last October: The moment when Taiwan’s first democratically elected president took the oath of office in 1996 sent a message to the international community, that Taiwan is a sovereign, independent, democratic nation. Among people here and in the international community, some call this land the Republic of China, some call it Taiwan, and some, the Republic of China Taiwan. The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other, and Taiwan resists any annexation or encroachment upon our sovereignty. The future of the Republic of China Taiwan must be decided by its 23 million people. This is the status quo that we must maintain. The broadest consensus in Taiwanese society is that we must defend our sovereignty, uphold our free and democratic way of life, and resolutely oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (1) I request that the National Security Council (NSC), the Ministry of National Defense (MND), and the administrative team do their utmost to promote the Four Pillars of Peace action plan to demonstrate the people’s broad consensus and firm resolve, consistent across the entirety of our nation, to oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (2) I request that the NSC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs draft an action plan that will, through collaboration with our friends and allies, convey to the world our national will and broad social consensus in opposing annexation of Taiwan by China and in countering China’s efforts to erase Taiwan from the international community and downgrade Taiwan’s sovereignty. II. Responding to China’s threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting our military (1) Comprehensively review and amend our Law of Military Trial to restore the military trial system, allowing military judges to return to the frontline and collaborate with prosecutorial, investigative, and judicial authorities in the handling of criminal cases in which active-duty military personnel are suspected of involvement in such military crimes as sedition, aiding the enemy, leaking confidential information, dereliction of duty, or disobedience. In the future, criminal cases involving active-duty military personnel who are suspected of violating the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces will be tried by a military court. (2) Implement supporting reforms, including the establishment of a personnel management act for military judges and separate organization acts for military courts and military prosecutors’ offices. Once planning and discussion are completed, the MND will fully explain to and communicate with the public to ensure that the restoration of the military trial system gains the trust and full support of society. (3) To deter the various types of controversial rhetoric and behavior exhibited by active-duty as well as retired military personnel that severely damage the morale of our national military, the MND must discuss and propose an addition to the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces on penalties for expressions of loyalty to the enemy as well as revise the regulations for military personnel and their families receiving retirement benefits, so as to uphold military discipline. III. Responding to China’s threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan (1) I request that the Ministry of the Interior (MOI), Mainland Affairs Council (MAC), and other relevant agencies, wherever necessary, carry out inspections and management of the documents involving identification that Taiwanese citizens apply for in China, including: passports, ID cards, permanent residence certificates, and residence certificates, especially when the applicants are military personnel, civil servants, or public school educators, who have an obligation of loyalty to Taiwan. This will be done to strictly prevent and deter united front operations, which are performed by China under the guise of “integrated development,” that attempt to distort our people’s national identity. (2) With respect to naturalization and integration of individuals from China, Hong Kong, and Macau into Taiwanese society, more national security considerations must be taken into account while also attending to Taiwan’s social development and individual rights: Chinese nationals applying for permanent residency in Taiwan must, in accordance with the law of Taiwan, relinquish their existing household registration and passport and may not hold dual identity status. As for the systems in place to process individuals from Hong Kong or Macau applying for residency or permanent residency in Taiwan, there will be additional provisions for long-term residency to meet practical needs. IV. Responding to China’s threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges  (1) There are increasing risks involved with travel to China. (From January 1, 2024 to today, the MAC has received reports of 71 Taiwanese nationals who went missing, were detained, interrogated, or imprisoned in China; the number of unreported people who have been subjected to such treatment may be several times that. Of those, three elderly I-Kuan Tao members were detained in China in December of last year and have not yet been released.) In light of this, relevant agencies must raise public awareness of those risks, continue enhancing public communication, and implement various registration systems to reduce the potential for accidents and the risks associated with traveling to China. (2) Implement a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public officials at all levels of the central and local government. This includes everyone from administrative officials to elected representatives, from legislators to village and neighborhood chiefs, all of whom should make the information related to such exchanges both public and transparent so that they can be accountable to the people. The MOI should also establish a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public welfare organizations, such as religious groups, in order to prevent China’s interference and united front activities at their outset. (3) Manage the risks associated with individuals from China engaging in exchanges with Taiwan: Review and approval of Chinese individuals coming to Taiwan should be limited to normal cross-strait exchanges and official interactions under the principles of parity and dignity, and relevant factors such as changes in the cross-strait situation should be taken into consideration. Strict restrictions should be placed on Chinese individuals who have histories with the united front coming to Taiwan, and Chinese individuals should be prohibited from coming to Taiwan to conduct activities related in any way to the united front. (4) Political interference from China and the resulting risks to national security should be avoided in cross-strait exchanges. This includes the review and management of religious, cultural, academic, and education exchanges, which should in principle be depoliticized and de-risked so as to simplify people-to-people exchanges and promote healthy and orderly exchanges. (5) To deter the united front tactics of a cultural nature employed by Chinese nationals to undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty, the Executive Yuan must formulate a solution to make our local cultural industries more competitive, including enhanced support and incentives for our film, television, and cultural and creative industries to boost their strengths in democratic cultural creation, raise international competitiveness, and encourage research in Taiwan’s own history and culture. (6) Strengthen guidance and management for entertainers developing their careers in China. The competent authorities should provide entertainers with guidelines on conduct while working in China, and make clear the scope of investigation and response to conduct that endangers national dignity. This will help prevent China from pressuring Taiwanese entertainers to make statements or act in ways that endanger national dignity. (7) The relevant authorities must adopt proactive, effective measures to prevent China from engaging in cognitive warfare against Taiwan or endangering cybersecurity through the internet, applications, AI, and other such tools. (8) To implement these measures, each competent authority must run a comprehensive review of the relevant administrative ordinances, measures, and interpretations, and complete the relevant regulations for legal enforcement. Should there be any shortcomings, the legal framework for national security should be strengthened and amendments to the National Security Act, Anti-Infiltration Act, Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, Laws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs, or Cyber Security Management Act should be proposed. Communication with the public should also be increased so that implementation can happen as soon as possible. V. Responding to threats from China using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth (1) I request that the NSC and administrative agencies work together to carry out strategic structural adjustments to the economic and trade relations between Taiwan and China based on the strategies of putting Taiwan first and expanding our global presence while staying rooted in Taiwan. In addition, they should carry out necessary, orderly adjustments to the flow of talent, goods, money, and skills involved in cross-strait economic and trade relations based on the principle of strengthening Taiwan’s foundations to better manage risk. This will help boost economic security and give us more power to respond to China’s economic and trade united front and economic coercion against Taiwan. (2) I request that the Ministry of Education, MAC, Ministry of Economic Affairs, and other relevant agencies work together to comprehensively strengthen young students’ literacy education on China and deepen their understanding of cross-strait exchanges. I also request these agencies to widely publicize mechanisms for employment and entrepreneurship for Taiwan’s youth and provide ample information and assistance so that young students have more confidence in the nation’s future and more actively invest in building up and developing Taiwan. My fellow citizens, this year marks the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War. History tells us that any authoritarian act of aggression or annexation will ultimately end in failure. The only way we can safeguard freedom and prevail against authoritarian aggression is through solidarity. As we face increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and to ensure that the freedom, democracy, and way of life of Taiwan’s 23 million people continues on as normal. But relying solely on the power of the government is not enough. What we need even more is for all citizens to stay vigilant and take action. Every citizen stands on the frontline of the defense of democracy and freedom. Here is what we can do together: First, we can increase our media literacy, and refrain from spreading and passing on united front messaging from the Chinese state. Second, we can organize and participate in civic education activities to increase our knowledge about united front operations and build up whole-of-society defense resilience. Third, we can promptly expose concerted united front efforts so that all malicious attempts are difficult to carry out. Fourth, we must refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. The vigilance and action of every citizen forms the strongest line of defense against united front infiltration. Only through solidarity can we resist being divided. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us.